Protocol of the proceedings of the Allied Ministers on this point. I have since omitted no suitable means of following up this representation with the French government, and I have the satisfaction of acquainting your Lordship, that Prince Talleyrand has given me reason to expect, that I shall receive, in the course of to-morrow, an answer, signifying the King's concurrence in the measure of immediate and general abolition. It is my duty to acknowledge the decided and prompt support which I have received from the Allied Sovereigns on this important question. They have, in the most honourable manner, redeemed the pledge which they gave to the world during the late Congress, on the measure of abolition. I have, &c. No. XIX.-DISPATCH from Viscount Castlereagh to the Earl of Liverpool, relative to the Abolition of the Slave Trade; Paris, July 31, 1815. My Lord; it gives me great satisfaction to find myself enabled to transmit to your Lordship, to be laid before the Prince Regent, the final act of his Most Christian Majesty, declaring the Slave Trade for ever abolished throughout the dominions of France. I have, (Signed) Castlereagh. &c. P. S.-I likewise transmit to your Lordship a copy of the answer which I have addressed to Prince Talleyrand on this subject. (First Inclosure in No. XIX.)-NOTE from Prince Talleyrand to Viscount Castlereagh, declaring the Slave Trade for ever abolished throughout the dominions of France; Paris, July 30, 1815. My Lord; I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency that the King, in consequence of the conversation he has had with Sir Charles Stuart, and of the letter which your Excellency did me the honour to write to me on the 27th instant, has issued directions, in order that, on the part of France, the traffic in slaves may cease from the present time, every where and for ever. What had been done in this respect by the Usurper was in the first place null and void, as were all his decrees, and moreover had been evidently dictated to him by personal motives of interest, and by hopes, which he would never have conceived, had he been capable of appreciating the British government and people. It had not, therefore, and could not have, any weight with his Majesty. But it was with regret, that, last year, his Majesty stipulated the continuance of the traffic for a few years. He had only done so, because, on the one hand, he was aware that on this point there existed in France prejudices, which it was at that time advisable to sooth; and that, on the other hand, it was not possible to ascertain with precision, what length of time it would require to remove them. Since that period these prejudices have been attacked in several publications, and with such effect as to afford his Majesty, this day, the satisfaction of following, without reserve, the dictates of his inclination, the more so, since it has been proved, by inquiries made with the greatest care, that the prosperity of the French Colonies, not being compromised by the immediate abolition of the trade, the said abolition is not contrary to the interests of his subjects, interests which above all, his Majesty thought himself bound to consult. This satisfaction is increased by the idea, that his Majesty at the same time, does what is agreeable to the government and people of Great Britain. Accept, &c. (Signed) The Prince de Talleyrand. (Second Inclosure in No. XIX.)-NOTE from Viscount Castlereagh to Prince Talleyrand in reply; Paris, July 31, 1815. The The undersigned, his Britannic Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the honour to acknowledge Prince Talleyrand's note of this date, conveying to him, the decision taken by his Most Christian Majesty finally to abolish the Slave Trade throughout the French dominions. undersigned will lose not a moment in transmitting this communication to his Court, and he ventures, in the mean time, to assure his Highness, that the King could not have taken any determination more personally grateful to the Prince Regent and to the whole British nation. The undersigned, &c. (Signed) Castlereagh. No. XX.-A.-Act of Acknowledgment and Guarantee of the perpetual Neutrality of Switzerland, and of the inviolability of its Territory. The Accession of Switzerland to the declaration published at Vienna the 20th March 1815, by the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris, having been duly notified to the Ministers of the Imperial and Royal Courts, by the Act of the Helvetic Diet on the 27th of the month of May following, there remained nothing to prevent the Act of Acknowledgment and Guarantee of the perpetual Neutrality of Switzerland, from being made conformably to the above mentioned declaration. But the Powers deemed it expedient to suspend till this day, the signature of that act, in consequence of the changes which the events of the war, and the arrangements, which might result from it, might possibly occasion in the limits of Switzerland, and in respect also to the modifications resulting therefrom, in the arrangements relative to the federated territory, for the benefit of the Helvetic Body. These changes being fixed by the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris signed this day, the Powers who signed the declaration of Vienna of the 20th March declare, by this present act, their formal and authentic Ac knowledgment of the perpetual Neutrality of | No. XX.-B.-Extract of the Protocol of the Switzerland; and they guarantee to that country the integrity and inviolability of its territory in its new limits, such as they are fixed, as well by the act of the Congress of Vienna, as by the Treaty of Paris of this day, and such as they will be hereafter; conformably to the arrangement of the Protocol of the 3d November, extract of which is hereto annexed, which stipulates in favour of the Helvetic Body a new increase of territory, to be taken from Savoy, in order to disengage from Enclaves, and complete the circle of the canton of Geneva. The Powers acknowledge likewise and guarantee the neutrality of those parts of Savoy, designated by the act of the Congress of Vienna of the 20th May 1815, and by the Treaty of Paris signed this day, the same being entitled to participate in the Neutrality of Switzerland, equally as if they belonged to that country. Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, respecting the Neutrality of Switzerland; Paris, November 3, 1815. The neutrality of Switzerland shall be extended to the territory which is to the north of a line drawn from Ugine, comprehending that town, to the south of the lake of Annecy, and thence to the lake of Bourges, as far as the Rhone, on the same principles as it has been extended to the provinces of Chablais and Faucigny, by the 92nd Article of the final Act of the Congress of Vienna.-In order to enable the King of Sardinia to partake, in a fair proportion, of the advantages which result from the present arrangements with France, it is agreed, that the part of Savoy which remained with France in virtue of the Treaty of Paris of the 30th May 1814, shall be reunited to the dominions of his said Majesty, with the exception of the parish of Saint Julien, which shall be made over to the Canton of Geneva.--The Cabinets of the Allied Courts will use their good offices, in order to induce his Sardinian Majesty to make over to the Canton of Geneva, the parishes of Chesne, Thouex, and some others, which are necessary to disengage the Swiss territory of Jussy, in return for the retrocession, on the part of the Canton of Geneva, of the territory situated between the road of Erron, and the lake, which had been ceded by his Sardinian Majesty, in the Act signed the 29th March, 1815.-The French government having con The Powers who signed the declaration of the 20th March acknowledge, in the most formal manner, by the present act, that the neutrality and inviolability of Switzerland, and her independence of all foreign influence, enter into the true interests of the policy of the whole of Europe.-They declare that no consequence unfavourable to the rights of Switzerland with respect to its neutrality, and the inviolability of its territory, can or ought to be drawn from the events, which led to the passage of the Allied troops across a part of the Helvetic States. This passage, freely consented to by the cantons in the Convention of the 20th May, was the necessary re-sented to withdraw its frontier line of Customsult of the free adherence of Switzerland to the principles manifested by the Powers who signed the Treaty of Alliance of the 25th March. houses, from the limits of Switzerland on the side of the Jura, the Cabinets of the Allied Courts will use their good offices, in order to engage his Sardinian Majesty also to withdraw them on the side of Savoy, at least one league from the Swiss frontier, and without the " Voirons" of Salève and the hills of Sion and Waache. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The Powers acknowledge with satisfaction that the conduct of Switzerland, under these trying circumstances, has shown that she knew how to make great sacrifices to the general good, and to the support of a cause, which all the Powers of Europe defended, and that in fine Switzerland has deserved the advantages which have been secured to her, whether by the arrangements of the Congress of Vienna, MOTION FOR SUPPLY.]. The order by the Treaty of Paris, of this day, or by the of the day being read, the House proceedpresent act, to which all the Powers in Eu-ed to take into consideration the Prince rope are invited to accede. Regent's Speech; and lord Castlereagh moved, That a Supply be granted to his Majesty. In faith of which, the present Declaration has been concluded, and signed at Paris the 20th November 1815. The signatures follow in the alphabetical order of the Courts. AUSTRIA. The Prince de Metternich. Castlereagh. Wellington. The Prince de Hardenberg. The Baron de Humboldt. 1 Mr. Tierney hoped he had understood the chancellor of the exchequer right on a former evening, when he collected from what fell from that right hon. gentleman, that an ample statement of the situation of the country would be made before the House was called upon to vote any supplies. Lord Castlereagh said, it was usual at the commencement of a session, to vote in general terms that a supply be granted to his majesty, before any such statement could be made. It was the wish of government, before any great supply was called for, to lay before the House the promised estimates, and especially those of the army, which would be accompanied by an explanatory statement. Mr. Tierney had expected that an explanatory statement would be given with the army estimates. He, however, was of opinion that the details of every item ought to be given before any supply was demanded. The chancellor of the exchequer had last year said, the expense of the peace establishment would be nineteen million. Before a vote was come to, either for the army or the navy, he hoped it would be stated what was to be the amount of the new peace establishment. sense entertained by the nation at large, of the great and transcendant achievements which had marked the career of our naval and military services, and which had brought to so happy a termination the war in which we had been so long engaged. During a period of twenty years, over which this eventful strife had spread, innumerable occasions had occurred to offer in detail to the army and navy, for the many splendid services they had performed, those tributes of approbation and applause, which the feeling of parliament and the country promptly suggested. They had not yet, however, done any thing to hand down to posterity, with an equal hand, the high and distinguished merits of these two illustrious branches. The House would no doubt be anxious to seize the present occasion to perform this duty, and thereby bestow a reward which would form the most grateful recompence to those whose deeds it was meant to ce Lord Castlereagh said, that government had the same object in view as the right hon. gentleman, and were not less anxious to ascertain what would be the least ne-lebrate. At the close of a war of such cessary expense of the peace establishment. The difference in the expenditure attendant on the present peace establishment from that of former peace establishments, arose principally from the disparity between our military force now and at former periods. There was not so great a difference between our present and our former navy; and though there was some fluctuation to be observed in the miscellaneous services, this would not operate any great change in the peace establishment. Before any large supplies were 'moved for, sufficient information would be given on these points, to enable both the ministers and the right hon. gentleman to come to a clear conclusion on the question of the general expenditure of the country. The motion was agreed to, and it was ordered that the House should to-morrow resolve itself into a committee of supply. MONUMENT FOR THE BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR.] Lord Castlereagh rose, in pursuance of the notice which he gave on a former day, to call the attention of the House, to the propriety of their adopting some signal mode of expressing their gratitude, and that of the country, for the services which had been performed by the navy during the late eventful war. At the close of such a war it was very natural to expect that some token of public approbation-some indication of grateful acknowledgment, would be given of the unexampled duration in this country, it was satisfactory to remark, that although at times the climate, the season, or the weather, might have proved unpropitious to particular services, yet that in no one great shock of arms, in no one general engagement in which the forces of the contending parties had been opposed had this country sustained a complete and signal defeat. While we had this gratifying thought to console us, for which we were more indebted to Providence and the justice of our cause, than to our own superiority over those with whom we contended, we had the satisfaction to see our history adorned with a series of the most transcendant victories, both by land and sea transcendant not only in themselves, but transcendant in their influence on the destinies of mankind. If any thing more could be said to exalt their respective merits, it arose out of the reflection, that throughout the whole war not the slightest symptom of jealousy had been manifested between these great rivals in arms. He thought also it ought to be stated as a feature of pre-eminent glory to the country, that the government had been enabled to confide to those who, from their habits and connexions, were known to be adverse to them in politics, the fleets and armies of the state; yet throughout the whole war the stream of glorious patriotic exertion had uniformly flowed, regardless of all party differences, for the honour of the country. The House would therefore feel most anxious to mark their high sense of the great services of those whose merits were only limited by the number of operations in which they had been engaged; and in endeavouring to convey this feeling to posterity, they would be most careful to avoid any thing that seemed to cast but a shade of difference in favour of one service over the other. The navy shared in the earlier stages of the war all those laurels to which transcendant valour was so justly entitled; while the army in the latter stages presented a series of unequalled successes, in which the skill of the officers, and the heroism of the men, admitted of no parallel. If the navy did not participate in these successes, and did not keep pace with their brethren in arms, it was not because they were not animated by the same spirit, but because they had already extinguished all competition, and thereby enabled the army to do that on the Continent which they had accomplished on the sea, namely, to crush every enemy by whom they were opposed. Three plans for the erection of a national monument, had, in the course of his consideration of this subject, suggested themselves to his mind. The first was, the selection of the names of those individuals who had distinguished themselves in the course of the war. The next was, to select the great features by which the services of each profession had been marked, and to include them in a general expression of national gratitude. And the last was, the selection of some one distinguished feature of each profession; and by handing down that to posterity, afford a record of the achievements of our army and navy, which, although not accompanied by a detail of all which they had accomplished, would yet carry with it such proofs of the unqualified admiration with which their services were viewed by their country, as must prove alike satisfactory to all. The first, he thought, would be objectionable, because it would be impossible, in viewing the services of so many brave and gallant officers, to know where to draw the line, or where to close the pleasing enumeration. To the second he also objected, because it would be impossible to make selections out of the immense field of great examples of valour which our extended naval war had presented, without leaving out some which might excite a feeling of pain in the breasts of those towards whom it was desirable not even to suffer the slightest symptom of neglect to be thought to exist. Under these circumstances, and from the best consideration he had been able to give the subject, he was induced to think that the last proposition was the least liable to disapprobation. It was therefore his intention to submit to the House the expediency, in commemorating the achievements of the navy, while the whole of their brilliant services were acknowledged to make the great victory of Trafalgar, which, as far as respected national advantage, was the grand point of consummation in their brilliant exploits, as Waterloo had been with the army, the leading feature of the monument which the House were called upon to erect. The two professions would then stand in the view of posterity upon the same point of elevation. For while, on the one hand, the victory of Waterloo had decided the the fate of the enemy on the Continent, and had terminated in the total destruction of the power of Buonaparté-so, on the other, that of Trafalgar had crushed his hopes at sea, and dispelled and terminated the boastful menaces which Buonaparté had been accustomed to launch out against us. The one victory had frustrated the hopes which, from his reassumption of power, he had entertained of again disturbing the repose of Europe, and the other had secured us from the assault which he had planned against this country. The one victory had given us safety, as the other had removed all danger from our Allies. He therefore wished, in the vote of this day, that that transcendent action, which might be said to have terminated the war by sea, should be commemorated as that had been which recently closed hostilities on land. had already said, that in the latter part of the war the traits of naval glory were less brilliant than they were in the former part. This, however, only arose from the circumstance of the enemy having ceased, from the successful exertions of that navy, to present himself in that tangible shape in which he was accustomed to appear before. But it would be a great act of injustice to suppose that the merit of the exertions of the navy finished with the glory of its exploits, or that the services of the navy became less important than they had been. The importance of the navy must be acknowledged, when it was considered how greatly its operations had conduced to the triumphs of our army. The navy had not merely contributed to He being desirous of commemorating the splendid achievements of the British navy throughout the late wars, by erecting a national monument to its most signal and decisive victory, have humbly to request that his Royal Highness will be graciously pleased to give directions that a national monument be erected in honour of the ever memorable victory of Trafalgar, by which the maritime power of his majesty's enemies was humbled and subdued, and to commemorate the fame of vice admiral lord viscount Nelson, and the other offi cers, seamen, and marines, who died gloriously in their country's cause on that occasion, and in the maintenance of our national independence." these, by that most difficult and most painful humbly to represent, that this House, of all services-he meant that of blockading all the ports of the enemy, but the navy had in truth been the instrument which had enabled our armies to make those efforts which had so conspicuously developed that singularity of power which England could alone boast, and which, if it did not enable us to be at different points at the same time, it put it in our power to act in different parts of the world so nearly at the same time, as to make the events which took place most wide of each other coincident. It had enabled us in the late war to follow up our operations in different quarters of the globe with a rapidity and success unparalleled in his tory. It had fallen to his lot to meet with a regiment before, Paris, which had served at Thoulouse in April 1814, which acted in America in that same campaign, and which was again in France in the following July. He should be glad to know where instances could be found of such stupendous exertions having been made in different parts of the world by any other power. These, but for our navy, it would have been impossible for us to have accomplished; it was this, which, bringing with astonishing rapidity our forces from various places to new fields of action, had enabled us to bear on successive points with the happiest effect. These circumstances considered, he was sure the House would feel all the importance of the navy, and be happy to offer a new tribute of approbation to its distinguished merits. It was true they had already marked their feelings, on both the transcendent occasions referred to, and the votes of approbation recorded on their journals, were among the best rewards which men could receive who belonged to a free country; but if another mode could be found for commemorating a triumph so splendid, he thought it ought to be added to the honours which they had already conferred on those who had deserved so greatly of their country. He thought it would be congenial to the feelings of the House to immortalize the battle of Trafalgar as we had immortalized that of Waterloo; and that we should select that mode of accomplishing this end, which would preclude the most distant suspicion of preference between the two services. The noble lord concluded by moving, "That an humble address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, Mr. William Dundas said, that he felt great pain in differing from his noble friend in the proposition which he had submitted to the House. He could not, however, reconcile to himself how the nation could, in marking its gratitude by raising a naval pillar, omit the names of those who had, in the earlier parts of the war, celebrated themselves by their matchles exploits. What, he would ask, would posterity think when they come to find such a pillar without the names of lord Howe and his victory in 1794, that of lord St. Vincent, who had so eminently distinguished himself in 1797, and lord Duncan, who was equally eminent for his victory of the same year? His noble friend had grounded his proposition upon the precedent to be found in the monument voted to the victory of Waterloo. To detract from the merits of this last transcendent effort of the British arms, was far from his wish. Yet there was no reason which he could divine, because a monument was erected in honour of that battle, that there should not be other pillars erected to celebrate the martial exploits which had been achieved on other occasions; and to hand down to posterity the memory and names of all those who had so honourably distinguished themselves. Sir M. W. Ridley, though it might be presumptuous in him to suggest any improvement to the motion which had been made, would take the liberty to hint, that if the exploits of the army and navy were commemorated on the same monument, it might be more gratifying to the members of those professions, and to the public at large. At the end of the last session, a monument had been voted to commemorate the victory of Waterloo, |