To us and to every nation of the free world, rich or poor, these qualities are necessary today as never before if we are to march together to greater security, prosperity, and peace. I believe the industrial countries are ready to participate actively in supplementing the efforts of the developing nations to achieve progress. The immediate need for this kind of cooperation is underscored by the strain in our international balance of payments. Our surplus from foreign business transactions has in recent years fallen substantially short of the expenditures we make abroad to maintain our military establishments overseas, to finance private investment, and to provide assistance to the less developed nations. In 1959 our deficit in balance of payments approached $4 billion. Continuing deficits of anything like this magnitude would, over time, impair our own economic growth and check the forward progress of the free world. We must meet this situation by promoting a rising volume of exports and world trade. Further, we must induce all industrialized nations of the free world to work together to help lift the Scourge of poverty from less fortunate nations. This will provide for better sharing of this burden and for still further profitable trade. New nations, and others struggling with the problems of development, will progress only, regardless of any outside help, if they demonstrate faith in their own destiny and possess the will and use their own resources to fulfill it. Moreover, progress in a national transformation can be only gradually earned; there is no easy and quick way to follow from the ox cart to the jet plane. But, just as we drew on Europe for assistance in our earlier years, so now do those new and emerging nations that have this faith and determination deserve help. Over the last 15 years, 20 nations have gained political independence. Others are doing so each year. Most of them are woefully lacking in technical capacity and in investment capital; without free-world support in these matters they cannot effectively progress in freedom. Respecting their need, one of the major focal points of our concern is the south Asian region. Here, in two nations alone, are almost 500 million people, all working, and working hard, to raise their standards, and, in doing so, to make of themselves a strong bulwark against the spread of an ideology that would destroy liberty. I cannot express to you the depth of my conviction that, in our own and freeworld interests, we must cooperate with others to help these people achieve their legitimate ambitions, as expressed in their different multiyear plans. Through the World Bank and other instrumentalities, as well as through individual action by every nation in position to help, we must squarely face this titanic challenge. All of us must realize, of course, that development in freedom by the newly emerging nations, is no mere matter of obtaining outside financial assistance. An indispensable element in this process is a strong and continuing determination on the part of these nations to exercise the national discipline necessary for any sustained development period. These qualities of determination are particularly essential because of the fact that the process of improvement will necessarily be gradual and laborious rather than revolutionary. Moreover, everyone should be aware that the development process is no short-term phenomenon. Many years are required for even the most favorably situated countries. I shall continue to urge the American people, in the interests of their own security, prosperity, and peace, to make sure that their own part of this great project be amply and cheerfuly supported. Free world decisions in this matter may spell the difference between world disaster and world progress in freedom. Other countries, some of which I visited last month, have similar needs. A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations which are prepared to assist in the development effort. During the past year I have discussed this matter with the leaders of several Western nations. Because of its wealth of experience, the Organization for European Economic Cooperation could help with initial studies needed. The goal is to enlist all available economic resources in the industrialized free world-especially private investment capital. But I repeat that this help, no matter how great, can be lastingly effective only if it is used as a supplement to the strength of spirit and will of the people of the newly developing nations. By extending this help we hope to make possible the enthusiastic enrollment of these nations under freedom's banner. No more startling contrast to a system of sullen satellites could be imagined. If we grasp this opportunity to build an age of productive partnership between the less fortunate nations and those that have already achieved a high state of economic advancement, we will make brighter the outlook for a world order based upon security, freedom, and peace. Otherwise, the outlook could be dark indeed. We face what may be a turning point in history, and we must act decisively. As a nation we can successfully pursue these objectives only from a position of broadly based strength. No matter how earnest is our quest for guaranteed peace, we must maintain a high degree of military effectiveness at the same time we are engaged in negotiating the issue of arms reduction. Until tangible and mutually enforcible arms reduction measures are worked out, we will not weaken the means of defending our institutions. America possesses an enormous defense power. It is my studied conviction that no nation will ever risk general war against us unless we should be so foolish as to neglect the defense forces we now so powerfully support. It is worldwide knowledge that any nation which might be tempted today to attack the United States, even though our country might sustain great losses, would itself promptly suffer a terrible destruction. But I once again assure all peoples and all nations that the United States, except in defense, will never turn loose this destructive power. During the past year our long-range striking power, unmatched today in manned bombers, has taken on new strength as the Atlas intercontinental ballistic missile has entered the operational inventory. In 14 recent test launchings, at ranges of over 5,000 miles, Atlas has been striking on an average within 2 miles of the target. This is less than the length of a jet runwaywell within the circle of total destruction. Incidentally, there was an Atlas firing last night. From all reports so far received, its performance conformed to the high standards I have described. Such performance is a great tribute to American scientists and engineers, who in the past 5 years have had to telescope time and technology to develop these long-range ballistic missiles, where America had none before. This year, moreover, growing numbers of nuclear-powered submarines will enter our active forces, some to be armed with Polaris missiles. These remarkable ships and weapons, ranging the oceans, will be capable of accurate fire on targets virtually anywhere on earth. Impossible to destroy by surprise attack, they will become one of our most effective sentinels for peace. To meet situations of less than general nuclear war, we continue to maintain our carrier forces, our many service units abroad, our always ready Army strategic forces and Marine Corps divisions, and the civilian components. The continuing modernization of these forces is a costly but necessary process, and is scheduled to go forward at a rate which will steadily add to our strength. The deployment of a portion of these forces beyond our shores, on land and sea, is persuasive demonstration of our determination to stand shoulder to shoulder with our allies for collective security. Moreover, I have directed that steps be taken to program our military assistance to these allies on a longer range basis. This is necessary for a sounder collective defense system. Next I refer to our program in space exploration, which is often mistakenly supposed to be an integral part of defense research and development. We note that, first, America has made great contributions in the past 2 years to the world's fund of knowledge of astrophysics and space science. These discoveries are of present interest chiefly to the scientific community; but they are important foundation stones for more extensive exploration of outer space for the ultimate benefit of all mankind. Second, our military missile program, going forward so successfully, does not suffer from our present lack of very large rocket engines, which are so necessary in distant space exploration. I am as sured by experts that the thrust of our present missiles is fully adequate for defense requirements. Third, the United States is pressing forward in the development of large rocket engines to place vehicles of many tons into space for exploration purposes. Fourth, in the meantime, it is necessary to remember that we have only begun to probe the environment immediately surrounding the earth. Using launch systems presently available, we are developing satellites to scout the world's weather; satellite relay stations to facilitate and extend communications over the globe; for navigation aids to give accurate bearings to ships and aircraft; and for perfecting instruments to collect and transmit the data we seek. This is the area holding the most promise for early and useful applications of space technology. Fifth, we have just completed a year's experience with our new space law. I believe it deficient in certain particulars and suggested improvements will be submitted to the Congress shortly. The accomplishment of the many tasks I have alluded to requires the continuous strengthening of the spiritual, intellectual, and economic sinews of American life. The steady purpose of our society is to assure justice, before God, for every individual. We must be ever alert that freedom does not wither through the careless amassing of restrictive controls or the lack of courage to deal boldly with the giant issues of the day. A year ago, when I met with you, the Nation was emerging from an economic downturn, even though the signs of resurgent prosperity were not then sufficiently convincing to the doubtful. Today our surging strength is apparent to everyone; 1960 promises to be the most prosperous year in our history. Yet we continue to be afflicted by nagging disorders. Among current problems that require solution participated in by citizens as well as Government are The need to protect the public interest in situations of prolonged labormanagement stalemate; The persistent refusal to come to grips with a critical problem in one sector of American agriculture; The continuing threat of inflation, together with the persisting tendency toward fiscal irresponsibility; In certain instances the denial to some of our citizens of equal protection of the law. Every American was disturbed by the prolonged dispute in the steel industry and the protracted delay in reaching a settlement. We are all relieved that a settlement has at last been achieved in that industry. Percentagewise, by this settlement the increase to the steel companies in employment costs is lower than in any prior wage settlement since World War II. It is also gratifying to note that despite the increase in wages and benefits several of the major steel producers have announced that there will be no increase in steel prices at this time. The national interest demands that in the period of industrial peace which has been assured by the new contract, both management and labor make every possible effort to increase efficiency and productivity in the manufacture of steel so that price increases can be avoided. One of the lessons of this story is that the potential danger to the entire Nation of longer and greater strikes must be met. To insure against such possibilities we must of course depend primarily upon the good commonsense of the responsible individuals. It is my intention to encourage regular discussions between management and labor outside the bargaining table, to consider the interest of the public as well as their mutual interest in the maintenance of industrial peace, price stability, incentive for continuous investment, and economic growth. Both the Executive and the Congress will, I know, be watching developments with keenest interest. To me, it seems almost absurd that the United States should recognize the need, and so earnestly to seek, for cooperation among the nations unless we can achieve voluntary, dependable, abiding cooperation among the important segments of our own free society. Without such cooperation we cannot prosper. Failure to face up to basic issues in areas other than those of labor-management can cause serious strains on the firm freedom supports of our society. Agriculture is one of these areas. Our basic farm laws were written 27 years ago, in an emergency effort to redress hardship caused by a worldwide depression. They were continued-and their economic distortions intensifiedduring World War II in order to provide incentives for production of food needed to sustain a war-torn world. Today our farm problem is totally different. It is that of effectively adjusting to the changes caused by a scientific revolution. When the original farm laws were written, an hour's farm labor produced only one-fourth as much wheat as at present. Farm legislation is woefully out of date, ineffective, and expensive. For years we have gone on with an outmoded system which not only has failed to protect farm income, but also has produced soaring, threatening surpluses. Our farms have been left producing for war while America has long been at peace. Once again I urge Congress to enact legislation that will gear production more closely to markets, make costly surpluses more manageable, provide greater freedom in farm operations, and steadily achieve increased net farm incomes. Another issue that we must meet squarely is that of living within our means. This requires restraint in expenditure, constant reassessment of priorities, and the maintenance of stable prices. To do so we must prevent inflation. Here is an opponent of so many guises that it is sometimes difficult to recognize. But our clear need is to stop continuous and general price rises-a need that all of us can see and feel. To prevent steadily rising costs and prices calls for stern self-discipline by every citizen. No person, city, State, or organized group can afford to evade the obligation to resist inflation, for every single American pays its crippling tax. Inflation's ravages do not end at the water's edge. Increases in prices of the goods we sell abroad threaten to drive us out of markets that once were securely ours. Whether domestic prices, so high as to be noncompetitive, result from demands for too-high profit margins or from increased labor costs that outrun growth in productivity, the final result is seriously damaging to the Nation. We must fight inflation as we would a fire that imperils our home. Only by so doing can we prevent it from destroying our salaries, savings, pensions, and insurance, and from gnawing away the very roots of a free, healthy economy and the Nation's security. One major method by which the Federal Government can counter inflation and rising prices is to insure that its expenditures are below its revenues. The debt with which we are now confronted is about $290 billion. With interest charges alone now costing taxpayers about $92 billion, it is clear that this debt growth must stop. You will be glad to know that, despite the unsettling influences of the recent steel strike, we estimate that our accounts will show, on June 30, this year, a favorable balance of approximately $200 million. I shall present to the Congress for 1961 a balanced budget. In the area of defense, expenditures continue at the record peactime levels of the last several years. With a single exception, expenditures in every major category of health, education, and welfare will be equal or greater than last year. In space expenditures the amounts are practically doubled. But the overall guiding goal of this budget is national need-not response to specific group, local or political insistence. Expenditure increases, other than those I have indicated, are largely accounted for by the increased cost of legislation previously enacted. I repeat, this budget will be a balanced one. Expenditures will be $79,800 million. amount of income over outgo described in the budget as a surplus to be applied against our national debt is $4,200 million. The Personally, I do not feel that any amount can be properly called a surplus as long as the Nation is in debt; I prefer to think of such an item as a reduction of our children's inherited mortgage. And once we have established such payments as normal practices we can profitably make improvements in our tax structure and thereby truly reduce the heavy burdens of taxation. In any event this one reduction will save taxpayers each year approximately $200 million in interest costs. This favorable balance will help ease pressures in our credit and capital markets. It will enhance the confidence of people all over the world in the strength of our economy and our currency and in our individual and collective ability to be fiscally responsible. In the management of the huge public debt the Treasury is unfortunately not free of artificial barriers. Its ability to deal with the difficult problems in this field has been weakened greatly by the unwillingness of the Congress to remove archaic restrictions. The need for a freer hand in debt maangement is even more urgent today because the costs of the undesirable financing practices which the Treasury has been forced into are mounting. Removal of this roadblock has high priority in any legislative recommendations. Still another issue relates to civil rights measures. Our In all our hopes and plans for a better world we all recognize that provincial and racial prejudices must be combatted. In the long perspective of history, the right to vote has been one of the strongest pillars of a free society. first duty is to protect this right against all encroachment. In spite of constitutional guarantees, and notwithstanding much progress of recent years, bias still deprives some persons in this country of equal protection of the laws. Early in your last session I recommended legislation which would help eliminate several practices discriminating against the basic rights of Americans. The Civil Rights Commission has developed additional constructive recommendations. I hope that these will be among the matters to be seriously considered in the current session. I trust that Congress will thus signal to the world that our Government is striving for equality under law for all our people. Each year and in many ways our Nation continues to undergo profound change and growth. In the past 18 months we have hailed the entry of two more States of the Union-Alaska and Hawaii. We salute these two western stars. Our vigorous expansion, which we all welcome as a sign of health and vitality, is many-sided. We are, for example, witnessing explosive growth in metropolitan areas. By 1975 the metropolitan areas of the United States will occupy twice the territory they do today. The roster of urban problems with which they must cope is staggering. They involve water supply, cleaning the air, adjusting local tax systems, providing for essential educational, cultural, and social services, and destroying those conditions which breed delinquency and crime. In meeting these, we must, if we value our historic freedoms, keep within the traditional framework of our Federal system with powers divided between the National and State Governments. The uniqueness of this system may confound the casual observer, but it has worked effectively for nearly 200 years. I do not doubt that our urban and other perplexing problems can be solved in the traditional American method. In doing so we must realize that nothing is really solved, indeed ruinous tendencies are set in motion by yielding to the deceptive bait of the "easy" Federal tax dollar. Our educational system provides a ready example. All recognize the vital necessity of having modern school plants, well-qualified and adequately compensated teachers, and of using the best possible teaching techniques and cur riculums. We cannot be complacent about educating our youth. But the route to better trained minds is not through the swift administration of a Federal hypodermic or sustained financial transfusion. The educational process, essentially a local and personal responsibility, cannot be made to leap ahead by crash, centralized governmental action. The administration has proposed a carefully reasoned program for helping eliminate current deficiencies. It is designed to stimulate classroom construction, not by substitution of Federal dollars for State and local funds, but by incentives to extend and encourage State and local efforts. This approach rejects the notion of Federal domination or control. It is workable, and should appeal to every American interested in advancement of our educational system in the traditional American way. I urge the Congress to take action upon it. There is one other subject concerning which I renew a recommendation I made in my state of the Union message last January. I then advised the Congress of my purpose to intensify our efforts to replace force with a rule of law among nations. From many discussions abroad, I am convinced that purpose is widely and deeply shared by other peoples and nations of the world. In the same message I stated that our efforts would include a reexamination of our own relation to the International Court of Justice. The Court was established by the United Nations to decide international legal disputes between nations. In 1946 we accepted the Court's jurisdiction, but subject to a reservation of the right to determine unilaterally whether a matter lies essentially within domestic jurisdiction. There is pending before the Senate a resolution which would repeal our present self-judging reservation. I support that resolution and urge its prompt passage. If this is done, I intend to urge similar acceptance of the Court's jurisdiction by every member of the United Nations. Here perhaps it is not amiss for me to say a personal word to the Members of the Congress, in this my final year of office, a word about the institutions we respectively represent and the meaning which the relationships between our two branches has for the days ahead. I am not unique as a President in having worked with a Congress controlled by the opposition party-except that no other President ever did it for quite so long. Yet in both personal and official relationships we have weathered the storms of the past 5 years. For this I am deeply grateful. My deep concern in the next 12 months, before my successor takes office, is with our joint congressional-executive duty to our own and to other nations. Acting upon the beliefs I have expressed here today, I shall devote my full energies to the tasks at hand, whether these involve travel for promoting greater world understanding, negotiations to reduce international discord, or constant discussions and communications with the Congress and the American people on issues both domestic and foreign. In pursuit of these objectives, I look forward to, and shall dedicate myself to, a close and constructive association with the Congress. Every minute spent in irrelevant interbranch wrangling is precious time taken from the intelligent initiation and adoption of coherent policies for our national survival and progress. We seek a common goal-brighter opportunity for our own citizens and a world peace with justice for all. Before us and our friends is the challenge of an ideology which, for more than four decades, has trumpeted abroad its purpose of gaining ultimate victory over all forms of government at variance with its own. We realize that however much we repudiate the tenets of imperialistic communism, it represents a gigantic enterprise. Its leaders compel its subjects to subordinate their freedom of action and spirit and personal desires for some hoped-for advantage in the future. The Communists can present an array of material accomplishments over the past 15 years that lends a false persuasiveness to many of their glittering promises to the uncommitted peoples. The competition they provide is formidable. We so recognize it. But in our scale of values we place freedom first. Our whole national existence and development have been geared to that basic concept and is responsible for the position of free-world leadership to which we have succeeded. It is the highest prize that any nation can possess; it is one that communism can never offer. And America's record of material accomplishment in freedom is written not only in the unparalleled prosperity of our own Nation, but in the many billions we have devoted to the reconstruction of free-world economies wrecked by World War II and in the effective help of many more billions we have given in saving the independence of many others threatened by outside domination. Assuredly we have the capacity for handling the problems in the new era of the world's history we are now entering. But we must use that capacity intelligently and tirelessly, regardless of personal sacrifice. The fissure that divides our political planet is deep and wide. We live, moreover, in a storm of semantic disorder in which old labels no longer faithfully describe. Police states are called "people's democracies." Armed conquest of free people is called "liberation." Such slippery slogans make difficult the problem of communicating true faith, facts, and beliefs. We must make clear our peaceful intentions, our aspirations for a better world. To do so, we must use language to enlighten the mind, not as the instrument of the studied innuendo and distorter of truth. And we must live by what we say. On my recent visit to distant lands I found one statesman after another eager to tell me of the elements of their government that had been borrowed from our American Constitution, and from the indestructible ideals set forth in our Declaration of Independence. As a nation we take pride that our own constitutional system, and the ideals which sustain it have been long viewed as a fountainhead of freedom. By our every word and action we must strive to make ourselves worthy of this trust, ever mindful that an accumulation of seemingly minor encroachments upon freedom gradually could break down the entire fabric of a free society. So persuaded, we shall get on with the task before us. So dedicated, and with faith in the Almighty, humanity shall one day achieve the unity in freedom to which all men have aspired from the dawn of time. Upon the conclusion of the address, the joint session was dissolved; and The Senate returned to its Chamber. AT 1 O'CLOCK AND 36 MINUTES P.M. The PRESIDENT pro tempore called the Senate to order. APPOINTMENT TO ADVISORY COMMISSION ON INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS MADE DURING ADJOURNMENT OF SENATE Under the authority of the provisions of Senate Resolution 199, agreed to September 14, 1959, the Vice President, during the adjournment of the Senate, appointed Mr. MUNDT, Mr. ERVIN, and Mr. MUSKIE as members of the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, established by the act of September 24, 1959. MUTUAL SECURITY PROGRAM The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate the following message from the President of the United States, which was received by the Secretary of the Senate during the sine die adjournment of the Senate; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations: To the Congress of the United States: Transmitted herewith is the 15th semiannual report on the operations of the mutual security program for the period ending December 31, 1958. The report was prepared by the coordinator of the mutual security program, with participation by the Department of State (including the International Cooperation Administration), the Department of Defense and the Development Loan Fund. The essence of our experience during the 71⁄2 years of the program on which reports have been transmitted to the Congress, is that the mutual security system is vital to our national security. If we do not persist in the continuous and vigorous application of military, economic, and technical programs making up the mutual security system, our foreign policy will be rendered ineffective. This ultimately cannot fail to have the most serious consequences for every living American. If we fail to win the contest in which we are now engaged, the potential destruction of our way of life becomes, by the degree of our failure, more and more a dangerous reality. It behooves us all to keep this peril fresh in our minds. I trust that this report will provide a yardstick to evaluate the measures we and other members of the great community of nations are taking in the mutual security program to defend our freedoms. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER. THE WHITE HOUSE, October 19, 1959. CONTRACTS NEGOTIATED BY THE NATIONAL AERONAUTICS AND SPACE ADMINISTRATION The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Assistant Administrator for Congressional Relations of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the semiannual report covering the contracts negotiated by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration for the period ended June 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying report, was referred to the Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences. AMENDMENT OF NATIONAL AERONAUTICS AND SPACE ACT OF 1958 The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Administrator of National Aeronautics and Space Administration, transmitting a draft of proposed legislation to amend section 305 of the National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958, entitled "Property Rights in Inventions"; which, with the accompanying paper, was referred to the Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences. LIQUIDATION OF STOCKS OF AGRICULTURAL MARCOM The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Acting Secretary of Agriculture, transmitting, pursuant to law, the annual report of the Secretary of Agriculture entitled "Orderly Liquidation of Stocks of Agricultural Commodities Held by the Commodity Credit Corporation and the Expansion of Markets for Surplus Agricultural Commodities"; which, with the accompanying report was referred to the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. REPORTS OF COOPERATION OF THE UNITED STATES WITH MEXICO IN THE CONTROL AND ERADICATION OF FOOT-AND-MOUTH DISEASE The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate three communications from the Assistant and Under Secretary of Agriculture, respectively, transmitting, pursuant to law, reports on cooperation of the United States with Mexico in the control and eradication of foot-andmouth disease, for the months of August, September, and October, 1959, respectively; which, with the accompanying reports, were referred to the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. REPORT OF GENERAL SALES MANAGER ON COMMODITY CREDIT CORPORATION SALES The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate three communications from the Acting and Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, respectively, transmitting, pursuant to law, reports for the months of July, August, and September 1959, respectively, of the General Sales Manager concerning the policies, activities, and developments, including all sales and disposals, with regard to each commodity which the Commodity Credit Corporation owns or which it is directed to support; which, with the accompanying reports, was referred to the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. REPORTS OF AGREEMENTS CONCLUDED UNDER AGRICULTURAL TRADE DEVELOPMENT AND ASSISTANCE ACT The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Administrator of the Foreign Agricultural Service, Department of Agriculture, transmitting, pursuant to law, a report concerning agreements entered into during September and October 1959 with Peru, Indonesia, Columbia, Vietnam, and India, under title I of the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954; which, with the accompanying papers, was referred to the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SOIL CONSERVATION ANNUAL REPORT OF FARM CREDIT The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Governor of the Farm Credit Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the annual report of the Farm Credit Administration on the work of the cooperative farm credit system for the fiscal year 1959; which, with the accompanying report, was referred to the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. REPORTS OF THE DIRECTOR OF THE BUREAU OF THE BUDGET ON THE REAPPORTIONMENT OF APPROPRIATIONS The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate seven communications from the Director and Acting Director of the Bureau of the Budget, respectively, transmitting, pursuant to law, reports on the reapportionment of appropriations which indicate a necessity for supplemental estimates of appropriations for the fiscal year 1960; which, with the accompanying papers, were referred to the Committee on Appropriations, as follows: Veterans' Administration, "Compensations and pensions and general operating expenses"; General Services Administration, "Operating expenses, supply distribution"; Department of Commerce, "Salaries and expenses"; Department of the Army, "Civil func tions"; Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, "Salaries and expenses, grants to States for public assistance"; Department of the Interior, "Operation and maintenance and resources management, Bureau of Indian Affairs"; Treasury Department, "Salaries and expenses"; Department of Justice, "Salaries and expenses"; and U.S. Secret Service, "Salaries and expenses." IN OVEROBLIGATIONS OF APPROPRIATIONS EXCESS OF APPROVED APPORTIONMENTS The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Secretary of Defense, transmitting, pursuant to law, 15 reports of 15 violations of regulations by incurring obligations in excess of approved apportionment of appropriation "Administrative Control of appropriations within the Department of Defense"; which, with the accompanying papers, was referred to the Committee on Appropriations. The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Administrator of the Veterans' Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, a report of 96 violations of regulations by incurring in excess of approved apportionments of appropriation "Inpatient and outpatient care, Veterans' Administration," fiscal years 1958-60; which, with the accompanying papers, was referred to the Committee on Appropriations. The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate two communications from the Secretary of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, transmitting, pursuant to law, two reports of two violations of regulations by incurring in excess of approved apportionments of appropriation "Salaries and expenses, Bureau of Old-Age and Survivors Insurance," fiscal years 1957 and 1958; which, with the accompanying papers, were referred to the Committee on Appropriations. OVEROBLIGATIONS OF APPROPRIATIONS IN EXCESS OF APPROVED APPORTIONMENTS The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Sec retary of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, transmitting, pursuant to law, 7 reports of 11 violations of regulations by incurring in excess of approved apportionments of appropriations "Control of veneral diseases," "Sanitary engineering activities," "Hospitals and medical care," and "Foreign Quarantine Service"; fiscal years 1959 and 1960; which, with the accompanying papers, was referred to the Committee on Appropriations. The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Acting Secretary of Commerce, transmitting, pursuant to law, a report of violation of regulations by incurring in excess of approved apportionments of appropriation "Federal-aid highway (trust fund), 1958, Bureau of Public Roads," fiscal year 1958; which was referred to the Committee on Appropriations. REPORT OF MILITARY CONSTRUCTION CONTRACTS FOR DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Secretary of the Army, transmitting, pursuant to law, a semiannual report of the Department of the Army military construction contracts awarded without formal advertising for the period ending June 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying report, was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. EXPERIMENTAL RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT PROCUREMENT REPORT The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Director, Legislative Liaison, Department of the Air Force, transmitting, pursuant to law, a semiannual report on experimental research and development procurement contracts in excess of $50,000, for the period ended June 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying report, was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. REPORT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY ON RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT CONTRACTS The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Assistant Chief of Naval Material (Procurement), transmitting, pursuant to law, a semiannual report of the Department of the Navy on research and development contracts in excess of $50,000, for the period ended June 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying report, was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. REPORT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY ON RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT CONTRACTS The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Director of Research and Development, Department of the Army, transmitting, pursuant to law, the semiannual report of the Department of the Army on research and development contracts in excess of $50,000, for the period ended June 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying report, was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. REPORT OF AWARD OF MILITARY CONSTRUCTION CONTRACTS The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Chief of the Bureau of Yards and Docks, Department of the Navy, transmitting, pursuant to law, a semiannual report of military construction contracts, awarded on other than a competitive basis to the lowest responsible bidder, for the quarter ended June 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying paper, was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. REPORT OF AWARD OF MILITARY CONSTRUCTION CONTRACTS FOR DEPARTMENT OF THE AIR FORCE The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Director of Legislative Liaison, Department of the Air Force, transmitting pursuant to 1,aw, a semiannual report of the Air Force military construction contracts awarded without formal advertising for the period ended June 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying report, was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. REPORT OF STRATEGIC AND CRITICAL MATERIAL STOCKPILING PROGRAM The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Director of the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization, Executive Office of the President transmitting, pursuant to law, a semiannual report on the strategic and critical materials stockpiling program for the period ended June 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying report, was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. FEDERAL CONTRIBUTIONS FOR CIVIL The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Director of the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization, Executive Office of the President, transmitting, pursuant to law, the quarterly report of contributions to the States (including territories and possessions) for civil defense purposes for the quarter ended September 30, 1959; which, with the accompanying papers, was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. ACQUISITION OF PROPERTY BY THE OFFICE OF CIVIL AND DEFENSE MOBILIZATION The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Director of the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization, Executive Office of the President, transmitting, pursuant to law, a quarterly report of property acquisitions for the quarter ended June 30, 1959; which was referred to the Committee on Armed Services. OFFICERS OF THE AIR FORCE ASSIGNED TO PERMANENT DUTY AT THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Director of Legislative Liaison, Department of the Air Force, transmitting, pursuant to law, a report of the number of officers assigned or detailed to permanent duty in the executive element of the Air Force |