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NOTES AND ABSTRACTS

The Outcome of the Southern Race Question.-The negro has not proven, after forty years of trial, a merely belated white man; he has less self-control, is less affected by ultimate advantages, and is less controlled by family ties and standards of personal morality than the average white person, imminative, with the poorest chance, the least educated and civilized. Another thing counting against the negro is race prejudice. In the South it is very strong. For the race difficulty here, six main remedies have been proposed. 1. Fusion. This is urged by few, but is recognized as having happened to most races dwelling together, and is now, in some degree, in process in the South. Southern whites will not welcome it without a great change in attitude, and having one part of the country occupied by a race of mixed color would only complicate the problem by making it national.

2. Race separation.-Transportation fails because of the financial difficulty, the sentimental opposition, and the demand for labor. Replacement by northern and foreign immigration has been unsuccessful because of general dislike for agricultural and rural life. Living in separate communities and race segregation are impossible because of close economic interdependence of the races.

3. Legislation.-Enactments against negro dives, laziness, in favor of prohibition and mounted police have been proposed, but meet with the objection that they affect whites also. Besides, legislation does not necessarily raise the character of either racial element and does little to lessen race hostility.

4. Violence.-Terrorization is the remedy most widely advocated and applied. Besides shooting, maiming, etc., lynching is a common and well-known method. Much of the evil might be mitigated by the establishment of special courts for aggravated crimes, faithful duty by officials, and quick trial and sure punishment. Negroes should also assist in turning over offenders of their race to justice.

5. Vassalage.-Working conditions are much more formal in the South, the negro being valued, not for what he can produce, but for the profit he brings his landlord or employer. This tends toward a condition of peasant labor. More than half the southern negroes are close to the condition of hereditary laborers. Their dependence upon patrons lead them into peonage, which varies from the negative obligation of other employers to not hire a negro in debt to another man to virtual sale of the man's services under the operation of iniquitous lower courts. The worst effect, besides its economic demoralization, is that it discourages and enrages the negroes and brutalizes the

whites.

6. Uplift-External constraint is irritating; regeneration of the race must proceed from within. But can the negro come up to the white man's standard and would he be permitted to do so? He has accumulated $500,000,000 of property, one-fortieth of the South's holdings, and has made good in many skilled trades, has acquired land, and has developed some qualities of leadership. His schools lack efficiency largely from want of white teachers, but much good elementary and industrial training is given. Many white writers and leaders oppose negro education and advancement as an encroachment upon the whites, but more see here the best interests of both.-Albert Bushnell Hart, North American Review, July, 1908.

L. L. B.

Enlightened Action the True Basis of Morality.-Morality is a matter of actual conduct or life. Ethics arises as a criticism of standardized action, and seems always present. The true basis of morality is enlightened action. Action for its own sake, without understanding, is not moral, any more than mere enlightenment alone is. Yet, individuals in society cannot be classified, as to their morality, according to their understanding and their action.

The heroic

morality arising out of the one attitude and the commonplace morality springing from the other are in everyone, according as habit or ideal is emphasized in consciousness. Ultimately the ideal appears from the commonplace for a new basis of action. Thus true morality is wrapped up in conflict, in the reforming of the characters of people on the basis of more knowledge. Consequently, to be moral is to break the formal law when it conflicts with the higher law of development. "The heroic never has been and never will be a respecter of persons." But no life is so enlightened that it can anticipate all events. Here therefore enters a chance element in experience, the outcome of which must be imagined or taken for better or for worse. It is here that religion finds its connection with morality.-A. H. Lloyd, Hibbert Journal, July, 1908.

L. L. B.

|Social Cost of Accident, Ignorance, and Exhaustion.-The establishment of factories means an industrial revolution from which the child will suffer, unless protected by law. It is an established fact that the delinquent, dependent, neglected child is physically and intellectually inferior, on the average, to the normal school child. This leads us back to the influences which affect the development of the very poor child before birth and in the years of infancy. In this respect our past history has been one chiefly of neglect, the result of a laissez-faire philosophy. Insufficient nutrition and excessive toil of factory girls and mothers have for their results either the death of the embryo, or premature birth, and resulting constitutional feebleness of the child. Poor factory women must have sickness insurance if they are to be forced to relinquish work during pregnancy and after confinement. The school, from the sixth to fourteenth years, should be a means for physical and industrial training of the child rather than for its exhaustion. Training should be under medical supervision. Playgrounds, scientifically directed, must also play a part.

Conditions and dangers of child labor are not yet adequately known, but it is certain that the greater physiological awkwardness and inexperience of the child makes him liable to more accidents, while women and children are more susceptible to occupational diseases.

It is estimated that the economic value to society of a healthy normal child of fifteen is $15,000. Besides this, is the social value, more important and dependent on a multitude of healthy, intelligent, moral, and eager youths.

Not death, but feebleness, degeneration, pauperism, and crime, as results of a bad industrial system, are the greatest burdens upon society. In his early years society spends much in time, energy, and money upon the child, while the mother contributes more than any other one interested. Society and the mothers have a right to expect returns. The chief cause of this loss through premature labor is ignorance of its results, and of what others have done to remove the evil.-C. R. Henderson, Annals of the American Academy, July, 1908. L. L. B.

The Rebellion of Woman.-"Today woman is in rebellion, and her rebellion is the fact of the age." She has always been in rebellion against repression and restriction, but this generation will probably see the culmination of the revolt. Proverb and aphorism have crystallized man's conception of woman, and they have revealed his fear of her unrest and his knowledge of her discontent. She has regarded the home more as a prison than as a shelter, and has needed only contact with the world to bring her to discontent. Man has used all possible means, from bribery and cajolery to punishment, to restrain her. In the East the movement is largely for education. In the West it is for political and economic rights. A special demand is that for equal pay for equal work. The struggle for political rights is as a means to social and industrial recognition. The gravest form of her revolt is that against unwilling and toofrequent motherhood, as the decreasing birth rate shows. She demands the right to determine whether she will be a mother and when, on the ground that only consciously desired motherhood is fair to mother and child and that a few children well and willingly borne would be of greater national value than “a numerous and unwanted progeny."

Woman demands reform and freedom because of her humanhood; they are denied her because she is alleged incapable of using her freedom wisely. That woman is not incapable is shown by the strength of her present fight, and by the fact that children are equal heritors from mother and father. Not so many women are content with present conditions as is sometimes alleged by the opponents of the movement. They lack freedom of expression and have not the technique for rebellion. Even today women are discriminated against before the law and industrially, while they are largely subjected to the license of men. The whole race suffers from this subjection of one sex to another, and family life is but a mockery of what it might be. The women are not fighting alone, but many men, forgetting their maleness, are helping. "Those who are afraid of the great dangers now in the making, point to the extremists who exist among us. They see the acknowledged man-hater, and they profess to be afraid of a sex-war. They see those who, taking license and refusing responsibility, yet seek to retain the privileges by which woman's subject lot was gilded in the past. These latter women-and they are few-are not the conscious thinking rebels whose claims are based upon principle. They are the unconscious instruments of recoil; they are the product of the very conditions the thinking rebel is striving to abolish." The great problems of sex are at the heart of life. Knitted with them are the problems of race, of morality, of health, of economics. Everywhere the one-sexed solution has produced evil and abnormality. Humanity is dual, and there must be a dual solution. Triumph means a new world.-Tresa Billington-Greig, Contemporary Review, July, 1908.

L. L. B.

Women and the Franchise.-The woman's movement, as an expression of the growing sentiment of sex solidarity, is recent. All previous movements were sporadic and non-symptomatic. Greek and Roman philosophers argued equality of the sexes; the moderns have generally opposed it. Subjection cannot be the sole cause of the mental unproductiveness and the political barrenness of women. Until recently the discussion has been quite academic and there has been no general movement on the part of the women themselves to support the claims of individuals. If women are to be allowed the suffrage their legal qualifications must be determined, and these will probably differ from those for men. be raised. The question of national expediency will also Here the result of doubling the suffrage by the addition of the women would necessitate a complete governmental reorganization and damage the credit and power of the national government. Law, from the earliest times in England, has not excluded women from the occupations open to men, but custom and the desire of woman herself have been the great factors. Spencer, commenting on Mill, has remarked that there is also abundance of material for an essay on "the subjection of men." Women are beginning at the wrong end in demanding suffrage before they are willing to assume other political and social responsibilities. Admission of women to vote would probably lead to greater indifference in the choosing of representatives and consequently to the lowering of the dignity and responsibility of legislative bodies. Secondary and extrinsic motives would enter into voting. Already women political organizations have been marked by wirepulling and shameless adulation of rank and money in a conspicuous degree. In the present stage of the movement, it would probably be much better for "female suffragists" to demand the enfranchisement of spinsters and widows only. The putting of all women and all men on the same footing, despite Mill and other theorists, is practically absurd in the highest degree. Men did not get the franchise, all at once. The principle that "taxation and representation go together" has never held in practice. about rights, taxation, tyranny, etc., will count for little with sensible people. It is a question of practicability. The amount of experience in matters and interests of the world of the people enfranchised must also be considered. Mrs. Frederick Harrison contends that women are not a separate class, that they are now citizens, that the interests of the sexes are not antagonistic. She says that for the most part the sexes are endowed in different measure with physical,

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