artistic presentation and expression. The result was authorities in history, such as Thucydides and Polybius in antiquity, and Montesquieu and Macaulay in modern times. But latterly less attention has been given to proportion and more to detail, until now one might suppose the scientific historical method to stand for the intensive study of a single society. But comparison is necessary. The historian with this method ends with conclusions lacking solidity. The sociologists, Bauer thinks, have been more successful because they embrace in the circle of their research all social conditions. But on this very account they have undertaken too much, and they tend to limit themselves to a study of early society. The view-point of the sociologist and historian must be united into a synthesis by employing analysis fixed upon some specific phase or fact of social life, after the manner of the physiologist, who does not select the whole organism for his research, but he will select some particular phase or aspect of the entire organism, like the muscles, for example, which he will undertake to make the subject of exhaustive research.

In the brief study above referred to, Bauer lays the foundation for the explanation of his method; in the essay before us he undertakes to give an example of the specific application of his method. He undertakes what he regards as a rational and complete explanation of the phenomenon of revolution, not by considering revolutions as a series of historical cases, but by analyzing the phenomenon of revolutions in its scientific generality. It is by this method, based upon the sociological importance of classes, that the author seeks to establish the certainty and fixity of science within the changing and complex domain of social life.

Revolutions are considered from three standpoints, which furnish the basis for a threefold division of the subject: "La fermentation,” “La crise," and "renaissance." In the first part, "Fermentation," Bauer surveys the rise of the new forces which make for change of the established order by analyzing the nature of revolutionary acts under the respective control of individual and social ascendencies, marked by the development of new ideas and sentiments which find expression in literature, morals, religion, and law. Thus a revolutionary party tends to form, made up of the discontented, who, from internal and external causes, find themselves out of adjustment with what is established. The immediate result is failure of social cohesion, followed by failure of resources,

financial distress, and dissatisfaction with the personnel of the government. In the second part, "La crise," are expounded the initial revolutionary acts, both individual and collective, culminating in sharp struggle in which new legislative, judicial, and executive powers are exercised by those in ascendency, the ecclesiastical establishment usually supporting the old order, while force, represented by the army, becomes the ultimate determinant of order. In the third part, "renaissance," we find an examination of the slow process of reconstruction which follows the crisis. Laws, constitutional, political, administrative, judicial, civil, physical, and military, are recast. Social correlation is wrought out through intellectual and moral forces amid varied successes and failures. The study closes with a tribute to the principal factor in progress, the intellectual and moral activity in man.

STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA

ISAAC A. Loos

Economic Condition of the Jews in Russia.

(Reprinted from Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor, U. S. Department of Commerce and Labor, September, 1907). By L. M. RUBINOW. Washington, 1908. Pp. 96.

This study is offered as a part of a series of inquiries on immigration and its relation to social and industrial questions in the United States. The study is thorough, abounding in well-workedout tables. Jewish population in Russia is studied historically and demographically. The occupations are next analyzed. Agriculture yields but a small quota, while the artisan classes and unskilled labor have a larger proportion. The chapter on manufactories is very significant. The share of the Russian Jews in commercial pursuit receives very sympathetic treatment. The work of Russian Jewish charities is no surprise to anyone who knows the philanthropic predisposition of this race. The unfortunate educational situation passes under review next. The facts detailed in this essay indicate how deeply the lives of the Russian Jews have been influenced by the legal conditions under which they live. A study of these conditions and their economic results seems to be doubly important for a clear understanding of Russian immigration to this country; not only because these conditions shape the physical, psychological, and economic status of the immigrant, but also because

they are of decisive influence in determining the very dimensions of the current of immigration from Western Russia to the United States.

CHICAGO, ILL.

HUGO P. J. SELINGER

Socialism before the French Revolution: a History. By WILLIAM B. GUTHRIE, PH.D. New York: Macmillan, 1907. Pp. xviii+339.

This work does not cover the broad field indicated by the comprehensive title, but deals only with the period from Sir Thomas More to the French Revolution, at the end of the eighteenth century. The aim of the work is double-to indicate what were the "socialistic" ideas before the emergence of the most recent collectivistic movement, and how the several prerevolutionary theories or plans for a better society were related to the general thought-environment of their times.

In an introductory chapter, the author considers the sources for judging of prerevolutionary socialistic doctrine and of the general "preconceptions" of the several social schemes. He finds one great difference in basal ideas, reaching back to Aristotle and Plato, the one view being that the social will forms and controls institutions, i. e., that society is an artificial product; while the other is, that there is an adaptation or determination of social relations, practically unmodifiable "by taking thought." Their agreement on the former position constitutes the one thing common to all theorists of the socialistic type.

One-fourth of the book is devoted to More, with consideration of his environment-particularly the discovery of America, the Reformation, and the English political and economic situation. In More's scheme is found a direct appeal for a better "vertical" distribution of human cultural assets, the existence of social classes being recognized and made the chief object of criticism. The second reformer treated is Campanella, his social theories being related not only to the contemporary psychic and economic environment, but also to his own wider activities as a leading anti-scholastic metaphysician. Consideration is next given to the French revolutionary theorizing in the eighteenth century, which Dr. Guthrie centers about Morelly, but the case in favor of the large claims made for Morelly's direct influence seems not to be made out beyond

reasonable question. The author shows very clearly how the divergent philosophies of the time-the individualistic and the socialistic -are equally based on the vague notions of a "state of nature" and "natural rights" as existing in a hypothetical past. Individualistic ideas dominated the revolution, which modified the economic organization chiefly in giving private property a wider constituency. The collectivistic theories of Morelly, reaching extreme communism in Babeuf, remained dormant until a new optimism gained attention in the generation following.

Dr. Guthrie closes the study with a chapter of conclusions, with all of which one need not agree in order to feel that his book is exceptionally fair and forms a decidedly desirable contribution to the subject.

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

ALBERT H. N. BARON

Standards of Public Morality. The Kennedy lectures for 1906, in the New York School of Philanthropy. By ARTHUR TWINING HADLEY, president of Yale University. New York: Macmillan, 1907. Pp. xi+158. $1 net.

The theme of this little book is one that with many variations has been recently made the Ausgangspunkt for countless criticisms and analyses, ranging from the "muck-raker" variety to the most respectable expression of mild dissatisfaction with present conditions. President Hadley has, in these lectures, taken a broad outlook upon the social situation as it presents itself to all frankly thinking people. The chapter headings and their succession are suggestive of the very extended meaning given to the terms "public" and "morality"-"The Formation of Public Opinion," "The Ethics of Trade," "The Ethics of Corporate Management," "The Workings of Our Political Machinery," "The Political Duties of the Citizen." In an attractively untechnical manner Dr. Hadley reviews anew the relations between private property and public welfare, and makes specific insistence on the moral implications of all economic and civic action. Throughout, the author, consistently with former utterances, emphasizes the primacy of an enlightened and enlivened public opinion, and deplores the tendency toward premature legislation that falls into contempt through lack of the support of an effective public opinion. He points out very clearly that the main

difficulty in our social life today is largely the same as it has always been-the setting up of higher standards for others to follow than we recognize as binding upon ourselves. "The man who in his own. grocery store encourages his clerk to let the scales weigh a little too heavy for the customer who does not notice. . . . has deprived himself of the chance of saying anything effective against railroad rebates," while the recipient of the latter "applauds himself because others are in their hearts admiring him; and as long as he has this admiration he cares not for editorial attacks, or denunciatory sermons, or even laws to restrain his activity."

Dr. Hadley finds the reason for the difference between "our standards of public and private morals" in the fact that "our experience in the one case has been much longer than our experience in the other." While the time element in the process of codification. of morals is important, would not a completer explanation of this phenomenon of "ethical pluralism" be that, while the proscribed acts in our "private morals" have from early times been clearly observed in their relation to their evil results, the far more complex relations and the indirect results of modern activities hinder the formation of clear judgments of right and wrong?

ALBERT H. N. BARON

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

The New Basis of Civilization. By SIMON N. PATTEN, PH.D., LL.D., Professor of Political Economy, Wharton School of Finance and Commerce, The University of Pennsylvania; being the Kennedy Lectures for 1905 in the School of Philanthropy, conducted by the Charity Organization Society of the City of New York. American Social Progress Series. New York: Macmillan, 1907. Pp. vii+220. The critical argument of the New Basis of Civilization is based upon the proposition that our ideals, virtues, morality, and institutions have been determined under the pain or deficit economy of the past and are not competent under the waxing pleasure or surplus economy of the present; and upon its corollary that in the transition from the former to the latter economy the conflict between the struggle-born, belated traditions and the herladic relationships born of co-operation causes confusion, inaction, or mis