torical spirit; and (3) because the science became national. List had caught the dynamic" idea. Protection, he urged, might develop a nation's productive powers and lead to larger production. The economic interest of the present is not necessarily that of the future. Today Germans point out that, while free trade was wise for England in 1846, owing to her industrial supremacy, if countries less favorably situated are to develop their resources, or if Germany desires to retain her agricultural population, recourse must be bad to protective measures.

With us in Great Britain the question is whether the empire can be maintained and converted into an economic reality. Hence the German economists' spirit of approach is stimulating. A modification of England's commercial policy does not strike them as the arbitrary freak of a sentimental politician. Professor Wagner surveys England's commercial situation. Why? As a warning to Germany. The transformation of the spirit of economic teaching has taken place in France and the United States as well.

It is not the purely abstract scientific analyses of the orthodox British economist which cause him to be an intransigeant free-trader. These analyses may be accepted as correct. It is because, instead of using them as a means toward interpreting tendencies shown by historical and statistical inquiry, he draws conclusions from them dictated by a preconceived bias. Why have the majority signed this veto? Simply because the problem has been presented to our economists when the stirring of the intellectual waters is only beginning to reach England.

National pride, in part, accounts for the survival of the old spirit. But the main cause has been the apparent success of our commercial policy until recent years, for economic speculation always lags behind conditions. But the attitude of the minority shows that a transition is under way. The increase of teaching positions for economists will lead them to examine concrete conditions.

The attempt to secure the unanimous opposition of English economists to tampering" has failed. Some of the signers now join us in demanding better official statistics. I look forward with confidence to the time when the majority of teachers of political economy in this country will recognize imperial needs, and have the courage to face great dangers for a worthy end. There is exceeding gravity in the risks we run when we depart from the easy policy of doing nothing. But the probable consequences of inaction are graver still. I am anxious that my colleagues should aid in the practical work of reasonable opportunism.-W. J. ASHLEY, in Economic Review, July, 1904. H. E. F.

Housing in Germany. -The so-called First General German Housing Congress is not, in fact, the first gathering of the sort held in Germany, two gatherings having been previously held by the Society for Social Politics in 1872 and in 1901, and an international congress having taken place at Düsseldorf in 1902. But on the present occasion, for the first time, a general congress was organized to deal especially with the conditions prevailing in Germany; and everybody interested in the question — governments, municipalities, societies for the study of social questions, representatives of the tenants and of the houseowners was invited to take part in it.

Since the Franco-German War there has been a revolutionary change in the distribution of population in Germany. In 1870, 63.9 per cent. of the people lived in the country, while only 36.1 per cent. were in the towns; in 1900, 45.7 per cent. were in the country and 54.3 per cent. in the towns and cities. In absolute figures the increase among the inhabitants of the towns was 16,000,000. This means that during those years dwellings for that number of additional inhabitants had to be provided. In some towns, as Dortmund, Düsseldorf, Kiel, Mannheim, more than three times as many inhabitants lived on the same area in 1900 as lived there in 1871. In Berlin in 1900 not less than 348 houses in every thousand were inhabited by more than 50 persons, and 255 by more than 100. In all towns the number of families living on floors above the second has largely increased. Thus the outcome was a vastly more intensive occupation of the ground area of the cities. Workmen were anxious to live as near as possible, not only to their factories, but also to the places of amusement - in other words, to the centers of the towns and this desire could be fulfilled only by providing high block dwellings. The increased demand for rooms was due not only to the influx of new

people, but to the higher standard prevailing, which made families require more rooms than had previously been the case. The number of people living in one room is tending to decline, and the number living in two and three rooms is increasing. During the last forty years rents have been constantly rising. Building is becoming more expensive, owing to a rise both in the cost of material and in wages. At the same time, the income of the people is also rising. But the smaller a man's income is, the larger is the percentage he pays in rent. In Leipzig a workman with an annual income of 1,100 marks or less pays about 23 per cent. in rent; with an income ranging from 1,100 to 2,200 marks, he pays 19.02 per cent. for rent; with between 4,300 and 8,300 marks, one pays 15.70 per cent.; with an income of more than 26,000 marks, one pays only 4.42 per cent. The foregoing facts, in which, upon the whole, a slight improvement in housing conditions may be seen, are from a paper read by Professor Dr. Pohle, of Frankfort-on-Main.

The funds of the Workingmen's Insurance have been turned to account to some extent in erecting cheap dwellings, and for loans with the same object. The German municipalities also, realizing that overcrowding is a source of disease, have framed building regulations which insure sanitary conditions, and prevent the upgrowth of slums. The land speculator is successfully baffled by the prohibition of houses of more than two stories. The consequence is that no one will buy ground held at speculative prices, as the rent of a two-story house would bring in a very poor interest on the investment. A considerable number of cities have gone so far as to build workmen's houses themselves.- DR. P. F. Walli, in (London) Charity Organization Review, January, 1905. E. B. W.

An Argument for the Common Origin of Men and Anthropoid Apes.— Despite the criticism of Professor V. Giuffrida Ruggeri, I maintain that my diagram showing the position of the bregma in the Java cranium, published in the Archiv für Anthropologie, was correct. I have taken two Australian skulls and compared them with the Java cranium. There is in them a similarity. The media-frontal passages show the original crowns, with bregma lying behind the frontal bump. In our collection of 130 skulls of native adult Australians there is not a single one where the frontal suturæ remained open. In this they resemble prehistoric human skulls, the skulls of anthropoid apes, and other apes. With the modern European races about 9 per cent. remain open up to adult age, and frequently until a much later period in life. Among the skulls of the Gibbon collection is one of a young monkey with a closed suture.

The original stem is the same for man and ape. Any theory concerning the relation between man and the living anthropoid apes, and the relation among these anthropoids, must give an explanation for the anatomical structure of the entire group. He quotes Professor A. Keith, professor of anatomy in the London hospital, saying: "The Gibbon monkey represents the earliest degree in development in the orthograde stem, and man the last." Out of 1,065 points in the anatomical structure of man, man has 312 exclusively, 396 in common with the chimpanzee, 385 with the gorilla, 272 with the ourangoutang, and 188 with the Gibbon. Keith holds that there is no other explanation than that man, the chimpanzee, and the ourangoutang are sons of one stem. The ourangoutang is an earlier branch of the stem; the chimpanzee and gorilla were later branches; likewise the genus homo is another twig of the paternal branch.

The genus homo divided itself in the Pleistocene age into different diverging races, which possess, besides other characteristics, differences in the shape of the skulls. In a former treatment we have shown that the mass of the brain of the civilized man is greater than was the mass of the brain of the man in the Pleistocene age. We must remember that the mass of the brain depends on the size of the body. It might appear as if man was a plantigrade animal in the Pleistocene period; but we have no reason to assume that any differences in structure in the bodies and limbs have been formed. But during the long epochs which he has lived on the earth, man's skull and brain have developed remarkably. The average capacity of the European's skull is 1,550 cubic centimeters, while that of the Java skull is not to exceed 950.

With some savage races (Australian) not less than 12 per cent. of the forward lower angle of the parietal bone divides the os temporale from the os frontale, as is

true with the Gibbon and the ourangoutang. A connection between the third left frontal gyrus and articulate speech has been shown. The third winding of the frontal gyrus is incomplete with the anthropoid and other apes; otherwise they would speak.-N. C. MacnamARA, in Archiv für Anthropologie, New Series, Vol. III, No. 2, 1904. H. E. F.

The Influence of Sex on Drawing.— Graphologists know how to recognize the sex of handwriting; they diagnosticate, from a simple examination of a written text, the author's sex. The same holds with drawing; an experienced observer will distinguish the drawing of a boy from that of a girl. But this, with the graphologist, is an impression not based on scientific analysis.

A delicate question is that of the respective merits of the sexes. Men and women teachers, when questioned, replied to us in various ways. With some the girls are more precocious, more awake, and their drawings are given as proof; with others, the boys are rated as superior on account of their aptitude for observing, and of their brain, truly more powerful, more creative. In the schools where the boys were the brothers of the girls we concluded that the male and female brains were equal. But this is true only for young children.

In the choice of a subject boys and girls are separated by their respective tastes. The boys make mechanical designs; the girls, those of dresses and complicated toilettes.

When representing the human figure, the execution of a subject shows a wide separation between the two sexes. Ask a boy or a girl to draw a good man.' "The little girl, like the adult woman not trained in drawing, will reply: "I do not know how to make a man." The boy experiences the same difficulty when asked to draw a person of the opposite sex. We were able to compare many samples by having a man and a woman drawn on the same leaf. It was easy to tell the sex of the author. Drawing is then homosexual and corresponds to sex.

We can consider this fact, that it is easier for a girl to design a woman and a boy to represent a man, as a sort of law. Here is proof that man is anthropocentric. The result is that the artist puts into his work some details of his personality; unconsciously he reproduces himself in his pictures, his statues. Thus an artist of talent, having large frontal bosses, reproduces this fault in his own anatomy in all the portraits he executes. A woman, knowing how to draw, indicates carefully the long eyelashes which are the essential detail of her physiognomy.

With the very young child, the sexes draw in identical fashion. Toward nine or ten the feminine characteristic, the rounded breast, appears. If it is a drawing of either a young girl or boy, the breasts are indicated with complacence. Drawing reflects preoccupation. The physiological hatching of sexual desire, vague in the life of the child, plays a great rôle in the psychic life of the adult man. One knows that the sexual emotion is one of the forces which make the artist work. The youth designs with care and curiosity, and according to natural tendencies. But soon beauty appears to the young man, and often this appearance of beauty develops simultaneously with the ideas of sexes. It is difficult for us to fix with precision the time of the appearance, in the man, of the sense of beauty. In a child of eight years capable of drawing remarkably, this does not appear at all; the aesthetic sense does not yet exist. At the age of thirteen this side of art awakens in the boy. And here education plays an important part. It is allowable, in any case, to compare the vague, inexact æsthetic sense of the child to the sense which shows itself with animals in the choice, the sexual selection, of individuals the most harmoniously colored, the most beautiful, as Darwin has pointed out.DR. PAUL SALMON, in Bulletins et mémoires de la Société d'Anthropologie de Paris, Fifth Series, Vol. V, No. 3. H. E. F.