I do not believe that anybody can contemplate the object without being prejudiced against the liquor crime. All we have to do, gentlemen, is to think of the stream of death, of the suicides, of the ignorance, of the destitution, of the little children tugging at the faded and withered breast of weeping and despairing mothers, of wives asking for the bread of the men of genius it has wrecked, the men struggling with imaginary serpents produced by this devilish thing; and when you think of the jails, alms-houses, of the asylums, of the prisons, of the scaffolds upon either hand, I do not wonder that every thoughful man is prejudiced against this damnable stuff called alcohol. Intemperence cuts down youth in its vigor, manhood in its strength and old age in its weakness. It breaks the father's heart, bereaves the doting mother, extinguishes natural affection, erases conjugal attachment, blasts parental hope and brings down mourning age in sorrow to the grave. It produces weakness, not strength, sickness, not health, death, not life. It makes wives widows, children orphans, fathers fiends, and all of them paupers and beggars. It feeds rheumatism, nurses gout, welcomes epidemic, invites cholera, imports pestilence and embraces consumption. It covers the land with idleness, misery and crime. It fills your jails, supplies your almshouses, and demands your asylums. It engenders controversies, fosters quarrels and cherishes riots. It crowds your penitentiaries and furnishes victims for your scaffolds. It is the life blood of the gambler, the element of the burglar, the prop of the highwayman, and the support of the midnight incendiary. It countenances the liar, respects the thief, esteems the blasphemer. It violates the obligation, reverences fraud and honors infamy. It defames benevolence, hates love, scorns virtue and slanders innocence; it incites the father to butcher his helpless offspring, helps the husband to massacre his wife and the child to grind the parricidal ax. It burns up men, consumes women, detests life, curses God, despises heaven. It suborns witnesses, nurses perjury, defiles the jury box and stains the judicial ermine. It degrades the citizen, debases the Legislature, dishonors statesmen and disarms the patriot. It brings shame, not honor; terror, not safety. despair, not hope; misery, not happiness, and with malevolence of a fiend calmly surveys its frightful desolation and unsatisfied havoc. It poisons felicity,

kills peace, ruins morals, blights confidence, slays reputation and wipes out national honor, then curses the world and laughs at its ruin. It does all that and more. It murders the soul. It is the sum of all villainies, the father of all crimes, the mother of all abominations, the devil's best friend and God's worst enemy."*

CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS.

HOW MADE IN THE DIFFERENT STATES.

"To amend the Constitutions of Alabama, California, Colorado, Illinois, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Texas, and West Virginia the proposed amendment must be submitted by a three-fourths vote of one legislature, and then go to people for ratification. To amend the constitutions of Arkansas, Minnesota and Missouri the proposed amendment must be submitted by a majority vote of one legislature. To amend the constitutions of Indiana, Iowa, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Oregon, Rhode Island, Virginia, and Wiscinsin the proposed amendment must be submitted by a majority vote of two successive legislatures, and then adopted by a majority vote of the people, except in Rhode Island, where a three-fifth vote is required to adopt. In Georgia, Florida, Nevada, and South Carolina the proposed amendment must pass two successive legislatures by a three-fourths vote before it goes to the people. In South Carolina, however, the second vote in the legislature must be after the amendment has been passed upon by the voters. In Maryland, Nebraska, North Carolina, and Ohio a three-fifths vote of one legislature can submit an amend

*The above should have followed the article on Illinois, but was omitted in making up the forms, so I insert it here.-[Author.

ment, and it can then be adopted by a majority vote of the people. In Connecticut an amendment must be proposed by the house of representatives, approved by a three-fourths vote of the succeeding legislature, and then sent to the towns to be ratified. In Delaware an amendment must be proposed

by a three-fourths vote of the legislature, and, after having been extensively published, ratified by a three-fourths vote of the succeeding legislature, when it becomes a part of the constitution without a vote of the people. In Tennessee it requires a majority vote of one legislature and a three-fourths vote of the succeeding one to submit an amendment, when a majority of the people adopts. In Vermont an amendment can be submitted by the Council of Censors, and then adopted by a convention called for the purpose. In New Hampshire an amendment must be submitted by a convention, and adopted by a three-fourths vote of the people. In Kentucky the constitution can only be amended by a convention called for the purpose."

CONCLUSION.

In giving a summary of the liquor laws of the several states within the limits prescribed for this Appendix, the author has been forced to condense within a very small space the laws of many of the states, but has endeavored to cull from the great mass of prohibitory and restrictive legislation, such as will best serve to illustrate the practical workings of the different systems in force. These systems are found to be very nearly similar in the various states where they prevail, and to give them in full or even in a condensed form as they appear upon the statute books, many of which are copied from other states,

would be a useless and even a burdensome repetition. It is hoped that a perusal of those which are given will not be altogether unprofitable to the reader.*

* I fail to find anything in the history of the practical operation of the license system of the foregoing states which recommends them as effectual remedies for the evils of drunkenness and intemperance generally. Those who advocate high license as the best means of dealing with the traffic should go to work to procure reliable statistics showing by actual experience that it will work out the desired reform. While hunting up statistics to prove that prohibitory laws are total failures, and even worse than failures, they should devote at least a portion of their time and talents in gathering facts by which to establish the proposition that high license is a better remedy.