ultimate end of social organization." The development of the social personality is measured both positively and negatively. Positively it consists in the increase of vitality, sound mentality, morality, and sociality. Negatively it connotes a decrease in the number of the defective, the abnormal, the immoral, and the degraded. Practically it includes a eugenic program, based along its positive side on a "pure and sane family life, which disciplines the welcome and untainted child in the robust virtue of self-control, and in an unswerving allegiance to duty," and on the negative side in a ruthless suppression of the feeble-minded and other dysgenetic stocks. In his treatment of the descriptive and historical material of sociology Professor Giddings has taken a position in which so far as a sociologist he stands almost alone. His evolutionary standpoint enables him to pass naturally and logically to a statistical treatment of the objective subject-matter of sociology. Collective behavior is typical and modal. "To the extent that safety and prosperity depend upon group cohesion and co-operation, they are seen to depend upon such conformity to type as may suffice to insure the cohesion and to fulfil the co-operation." "Sociology is the science of the origin, the process, the extent and the results of type control of variation from itself, within a group of more or less freely associating individuals." "Society is a type, controlling variation from itself for its own survival and further evolution."s Therefore it pre-eminently calls for precise or quantitative study by the statistical method. For the phenomena of type can always be expressed in the statistical terms of "frequency" and "mode." When the full significance of the many statistical reports available today is realized, greater progress will be made in statistical sociology. There may be needed also some development of statistical terminology and methodology; for frequencies of sort which predominate in our large collections of data in census and other reports are not held to be so amenable to the present statistical methods as frequencies of size. Rates of births and deaths, of marriage and 1 Ibid., p. 523. I 2 Principles of Sociology, p. 352. 3 Political Science Quarterly, XXIV, 575. 4 Ibid., 5 Ibid., p. 580. divorce, are numerical and measurable, being items of number and size. But numbers of illiterates, of foreign and native born, of adherents of religious denominations, of delinquents and dependents, and so on, are frequencies of sort. From the task of finding a method of handling these frequencies and testing and establishing correlations therein Professor Giddings has not shrunk, and we have reason to expect from him a scientific treatment of statistical sociology. Some of the feasible points of attack have been suggested by Professor Giddings. From an analysis of the statutory enactments of legislative bodies he has obtained index numbers to measure social pressure.' He has drawn attention to the problem of the resistance exerted by the southern states against the federal enactment requiring that full political and civil rights be granted to the enfranchised negroes as one which should be re-analyzed by the methods of the sociological statistician. The financial relations between towns and railroads in the days of the railroad-building boom and the subsequent action taken by the commonwealths to prevent the increase of municipal indebtedness, with the elastic limitation of this latter pressure, would afford an exceptionally valuable lot of numerical data for the statistical measure of a fluctuating social constraint. The work of state and municipal commissions could be tested statistically, as also could the struggle for mastery between integral society and the corporations. Statistical determinations of the degree of social pressure could be obtained from an examination of the public regulation of banking, insurance, and railroad corporations. When the question is raised whether numerical measures of social constraint would afford any knowledge of social causation or of the trend of social evolution, Professor Giddings answers by showing how valuable to science is a knowledge of what constitutes normality, and what is the meaning and significance of variation from the norm. "The question, how much restraint, how much liberty, how much conformity to type, how much variation from it, are conducive to the general welfare, is the supremely important question in all issues of public policy. The right answer to it turns 1 Quarterly Publications of the American Statistical Association, March, 1908. I upon the determination of the previous question, namely, what is normal social constraint in a given community, at a given stage of its evolution, and what at a given moment is the actual range of fluctuation? . . . . To obtain, then, determinations of normal social constraint for modern communities, including municipalities, commonwealths and nations, and to perfect the methods of measuring fluctuations must, I think, be regarded as the chief object of sociological effort in the immediate future. That that effort will be successful is, I am convinced, a fairly safe prediction." In these sentences we get the basis, motive, and purpose of statistical sociology. To sum up briefly, Professor Giddings approaches the problems of society as a psychologist and prefers that as far as possible they shall be submitted to statistical treatment in order to arrive at valid conclusions. He begins his study of society with the concept of cosmic evolution. He regards all transformations that occur within any social group as a phase of the equilibration of energy. Every social group has been in ceaseless struggle with its material environment and with other social groups. Whatever has happened to it or within it is best accounted for as a process of equilibration of energies between the group and its environment, or between group and group, or between unequal and conflicting elements within the group itself. Adopting the principle of natural selection, he traces its operation as transformed into social selection under the law of the consciousness of kind, all the while acting, in his own definition of a sociologist, as a "psychologist specializing in the study of behavior in its collective aspect." With this outlook he is able to see the conflict of the like and the unlike, the differentiation of reactions, though he gives most attention to the co-operation which results from like reactions. Most criticism of his theories is directed against his failure to stress duly every element in the process of social organization. This, however, is but the defect of his qualities. Ibid. PROPAEDEUTIC TO MODERN ECONOMICS ISAAC LOOS State University of Iowa Under this title I offer three papers or three lecture-studies dealing with modern economic history: Part I, Preliminary Sketch or Survey of Economic Nationalism; Part II, The Larger Social Science; Part III, The Divisions of Current Economics.1 PART I SURVEY OF ECONOMIC NATIONALISM 1. Development of late mediaeval economics.-The first chapter in my manuscript volume on Economic History: Rise of Modern Economics, describes "The Breaking up of Medieval Economy. The two following sections exhibit the large and usually accepted grouping made in modern economic history. By treating these sections parenthetically and continuing the consecutive numbering of our subparagraphs, the first six successive chapter headings of my study of the Rise of Modern Economics will be given. These six chapters we may view as describing the transition from ancient to modern economics and as continuing from 1350 to, say, 1914 or to date. * Discussion for Parts I and II appears in this issue; that for Part III will be printed in the September number of this Journal. The remaining chapter headings of this manuscript study in modern economic history as its chapters stood completed several months before the outbreak of the great war in August, 1914, are as follows: chap. ii, "Rising Modern Economic Nationalism, 1480 to 1560"; chap. iii, "Policy; Colonization and Finance, 1560 to 1660"; chap. iv, "Mercantilism European, 1660 to 1750"; chap. v, "Commercial Imperialism and Industrial Revolution, 1750 to 1830"; chap. vi, “A Tentative WorldEconomy, 1830 to 1914." The new chapter on world-economy, on which mankind has begun and is now working, is chap. vii, "World-Economy after 1914." When using the proposed book as a basis of instruction the topics developed in these papers may be presented by lectures or by informal talks by the teacher. But the formal work of the student should begin with chap. i, "The Breaking up of Medieval Economy." The development of a late mediaeval or dawning modern economics is notable, traceable on a clear and large scale during the period from, say, 1350 to 1500. Mid-fourteenth century is the beginning of a period of about a century and a half which may, with general agreement, be described as the breaking up of mediaeval economy, and to this period the first chapter of Modern Economics is devoted. It deals with the late mediaeval, transitional, or dawning modern economics. In this chapter an account is undertaken, in secs. 5-10, of the inauguration of the agrarian revolution which began with the appearance of the Black Death in England in 1348, the beginning of the Hundred Years' War between England and France, and the rise of new social doctrines of that period, accompanied by the steady progress of industrial and commercial evolution throughout Western Europe. The changes in methods of manufacture and commerce as well as the beginnings of changes in mediaeval agriculture persisted unceasingly until the modern age of Europe had been unquestionably well begun. A. FIRST PERIOD OF ECONOMIC NATIONALISM, 1480 TO 1750 This period is described in chaps. ii to iv inclusive. 2. Economic nationalism, 1480 to 1560.-The second chapter describes the fiscal policy of Henry VII of England and his extension of the royal power, the rise of new forms of relief, the new canonist economics, and mercantilism. After Henry VII had attained the leadership of European peace and treaty negotiations, as noted in sec. 10 of chap. i of Modern Economics, the achievements of economic nationalism were thereafter carried forward under the leadership of great monarchs like Charles V of Spain, later Charles, emperor of Germany, Francis I of France, and Henry VIII of England. This period, 1480-1560, witnessed the European extension of the area of commerce around the entire globe and the realignment of nations new and old about the Atlantic, which became the mid-sea of the modern world in lieu of the Mediterranean of the ancient world. This same period also witnessed the development of certain economic aspects of the Renaissance and the Reformation |