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The resentment of the Wends toward them was more reasonable, for the Wends were a fen people who often were actually dispossessed by these settlers from the Low Countries. This was particularly the case in Brandenburg around Dessau, Wörlitz, and Pratau, where a ruthless expulsion of the Wends took place under Albrecht the Bear and Wichmann of Magdeburg. In the really eloquent complaint of Pribislav, the Obodrite chieftain, relating the sufferings of his people, which is given at length by Helmold,❜ Flemings and Hollanders are mentioned along with Saxons and Westphalians as those by whom his people have been expelled from their homelands. "Worn down by the coming of these settlers," as honest Helmold says, "the Slavs forsook the country." It was the fate of the Red Man in America.

Lamprecht has said that the greatest deed of the German people in the Middle Ages was their eastward expansion over, and colonization of, the Slavonic lands between the Elbe and the Oder. Most of this long and important labor was done by the Germans themselves. But a not inconsiderable portion of this achievement was due to these nameless pioneers dwelling by the ocean and suffering the violence of the sea, who came to redeem the marshes of the Weser, the Elbe, the Havel, the Oder, and even the Vistula.3

Modern Germany has ill requited the service. The hapless children of Belgium no longer, in their street games, "count out" as formerly they did by singing the old ballad:

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3 "Dieser Pionierdienst in der Kolonisation des deutschen Ostens ist unter den vielen Grosstaten unserer westlichen Brüder eine der grössten; er soll ihnen unvergessen bleiben in jeder deutschen Geschichte."-Lamprecht, Deutsche Gesch., III, 342.

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(Economic history and genetic economics
Economic statistics and accounting

I. Descriptive History of economic literature, including

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(Economic theory, principles, and problems of general economics



Social economy and social politics

The foregoing division of economics into descriptive, pure, and applied is liable to some misinterpretations. Too great stress, for example, on the distinction between descriptive and pure economics is likely to lead to the inference that science lies at the foundation of pure economics, but is not required in descriptive or applied economics. Pure economics is related to applied economics as physics is related to mechanics. The term pure physics is employed only in contradistinction from mechanics, which is after all simply applied physics. Even the pure science of mathematics owes its great achievements and its great advancement to the demand which the modern world has made upon applied mathematics. So in economics, I sometimes think that in a very important sense there is no economic theory except applied economic theory. It must be remembered that the divisions of economics here given rest on a merely empirical basis; they are in accordance with a plan practicable in a university curriculum.

1 Discussion of Parts I and II appeared in this Journal for July, 1918.

* This is the subject-matter of the history of economics as it has been ordinarily understood. It would sometimes be better described as the biography of economists.


1. Division I: Descriptive economics.—

a) Economic History and Genetic Economics: Economic history may be variously defined. For sufficiently advanced students may be defined as primarily a history of economics from primitive economies through intervening economies to modern and contemporary economies. The study of ancient economics becomes significant and fascinating for the student of modern or contemporary economics the moment he approaches it in the spirit of a genetic science. Economic history then, for him, becomes genetic economics. Primitive and ancient or early economies are as much a study of concepts of economic organization, effort, and achievement as modern and contemporary economics are, but these concepts are at first very simple and only become complex and more and more complex with the advancing culture stages or the advancing stages of civilization. We might in the early ages and periods of the world speak only of economy or economies, while we reserve the word economics for later periods when our thinking becomes more abstract and less concrete. This we must do if we want simply to reproduce the thinking of early ages and the ancient period of history; but if we want to do more than this and subject past history to the contemporary stage of thought-processes, we may employ our contemporary abstract term economics when by the aid of the genetic or evolutionary method of approach to economic science we bring successive economies into a continuous unity. This I attempt to do in a manuscript volume entitled Economic History: Foundations of Economics, and its companion volume, Economic History: Rise of Modern Economics.

The first three chapters of the volume Economic History: Foundations of Economics are accordingly devoted to a study of economic evolution from primitive economic conditions to the higher economic aspects of ancient civilization, especially of the Greeks. The fourth chapter describes the Roman transition from city economy to imperial economy. The fifth chapter is occupied with the Roman, better described Graeco-Roman, imperial economy from Augustus to Odoacer, when the economic and political philosophy of the ancient world were definitely summarized under the influence of the Stoics. The sixth chapter analyzes the survival of

Roman economy in municipalities and provinces of the West, in the Eastern Empire, in Roman law, in the papacy, and in the Romanized and Romanizing Germanic kingdoms temporarily united under Charlemagne, but soon thereafter followed by the rise of mediaeval feudalism. The seventh chapter aims to give an account of the beginnings of economic reconstruction of Western Europe as signalized by the free-city movement after the tenth century, the economic conflict between empire and papacy, the revival of learning, art, industry, and government in general, followed by a more detailed analysis of the early Saxon NormanEnglish economy. The eighth chapter is given to the mediaeval city economy and European trade routes, to mediaeval economic theory and polity marked by the rising French and English new national economy. This last chapter, the eighth, gives accordingly a summary view of mediaeval conditions which prepare for transition to modern economic conditions and institutions.

This volume as a whole accordingly undertakes a survey of general economic history in the sense that in his attempt to discover the natural steps and stages of economic evolution the student of economic history cannot limit himself to ethnic and national boundaries. When, however, the highest culture achievements of the ancient world are reached, he finds himself so obviously in the ancient classical and Roman imperial economies that his attention may then converge upon Indo-European stocks, with only incidental notice of the oriental and Semitic economic achievement. But after following Rome and German Europe to the tenth century, the writer who wishes to confine himself to a single-volume treatise on the development of the ancient economy or ancient economics alone must again limit himself on account of the accumulating mass of material. In the present volume I began thus to limit myself when I selected for special treatment early Saxon economy, sec. 38, and the Norman-English economy, secs. 43-45. England has been taken as central in this treatise because this volume is addressed to English-speaking students. France or Germany or Italy or some other country might be selected with equal propriety as the standing-ground from which to view the general economic advancement to the dawning modern world; but such a survey

inclusive of all nations would be manifestly beyond the scope of one volume. Modern economic history, inaugurated by the economic revolutions beginning about the middle of the fourteenth century, can be but inadequately understood without some reflections on the origins and foundations of economics, and without some knowledge of that economic development and cultural history described in these essays.

In the titles of these volumes I employ the more abstract term economics rather than the more concrete term economies, although it is desirable to keep persistently in mind the fact that in the primitive and ancient, or in the earlier economic, development economic theory or the principles of economic science had only reached the most rudimentary expression in objective economies. Even in the modern period we should proceed from the study of objective economies to the study of the abstract statement of economic principles. In our educational scheme we do in fact proceed in this way because in our elementary education we are wont to get our introductory preparation for the study of elementary economics by means of some previous study of history and civics; in higher education we seldom undertake to enter upon the formal study of elementary economics or introductory economics before the Sophomore year of our better colleges has been reached or passed. There is much to say in favor of insisting that the study of economics requires such maturity and discipline of mind that it should be offered only as a university subject or to the upperclassmen of a college. This adherence to objective reality is immeasurably important in order to hold ourselves to the contemplation of a world of reality instead of giving reign to a lawless fancy and confused thinking such as may result from the lack of thoroughness and keen appreciation of reality in our occidental world; whereas in the oriental world the boasted oriental mind of the Hindoo of India, for example, quite generally substitutes a claim of hoary antiquity, and subjective fancies and images run riot which they call thinking, for the clear and critical thoughtprocesses such as the Greeks in the time of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle followed.

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