to be retained in service; a question, in the then deranged rally to make provision for a grant of land to such officers state of the finances of the country, of paramount import-as were disbanded in the consolidation of regiments durance. The friends of this measure, under all the circum-ing, and who served to the close of the late war with Great stances of the case, patriotically waived the claims of Britain, and were disbanded at its termination, and for the the suffering officers, but never contemplated their aban- heirs of those who died or were killed in service; and for donment. this purpose the committee herewith report a bill.

COPY-RIGHT.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 17, 1830. Mr. ELLSWORTH, from the Committee on the Judiciary, having had under consideration the laws relating to copy-right, presented to the House, for its adoption, the bill accompanying this report:

From the course pursued in the war of the revolution, it is fair to infer that a like course would have been pursued in the late war, had that war continued but a year or two longer. Congress did not, at the commencement of the revolutionary contest, provide for grants of land to their officers; that promise was not made until some years had elapsed; yet it was made. Had the late war continued a year or two longer, there is every reason to believe that a like course would have been pursued. At the second session of the first Congress, a statute The officers themselves expected it; they conceived it was passed to secure to authors the copy-right of their due to them as an expression of the feeling of the Go- books, charts, and maps. In 1802, a like statute was vernment for their sufferings and privations, as well as a passed to secure the copy-right of prints. In both of reward for their services and sacrifices; and that they still these statutes, there are provisions which are useless and think it due to them, is evidenced by the reiteration of their claims.

burdensome, and in which there are likewise discrepancies. It has furthermore been claimed, and, it seems to your committee, with propriety, that the law of copyright ought to extend to musical compositions, as does the English law. It has been the aim of your committee, in preparing the accompanying bill, to bring the two statutes into one, and to make that free from the objections alluded to, but chiefly to enlarge the period for the enjoyment of copy-right, and thereby to place authors in this country more nearly upon an equality with authors in other countries.

The present condition of many of these brave and patriotic men requires that they should no longer be neglected or postponed. Some, it is true, may be in easy and flourishing circumstances; but it is believed to be a fact, that a majority of those who are in existence, are far from being placed in such a situation as to render these grants a matter of indifference, or of little or no concern. Many of them have since sought employment, and found an honorable grave in a foreign land. Many of them are known to be in needy circumstances, residing The power of securing the rights of authors, by giving on the public lands, on that frontier which they so faith- them a copy-right, is, by the constitution, exclusively vestfully and gallantly defended, while the widows and or- ed in Congress; and your committee think that the object phans of others are in poverty and want; and if the grant contemplated is well worthy of the consideration and lewere now made, it would be esteemed as a boon sent, as gislation of Congress. While, for the most obvious reait were, from heaven, to relieve their wants and distresses.sons, the United States ought to be foremost among naThe usage of this, as well as of almost all other Go- tions in encouraging science and literature, by securing vernments, gave the officers of the late army reason to the fruits of intellectual labor, she is, in this thing, very expect, that, after the close of their toils, and peace and far behind them all, as a reference to their laws will show. security had been secured at home, and respect had been In the United States, by the existing laws, a copy-right is enforced abroad, they would be recompensed by some flattering and substantial testimonial of their country's gratitude. Without such a feeling as this, it is impossible to suppose that officers of inferior grades would have remained so long in the service, as it is notorious that their pay was wholly inadequate to their maintenance in the field; and, however patriotic they may have been, necessity would soon have driven them into retirement. It was because they were buoyed up by this hope, that they remained.

secured to the author, in the first instance, for fourteen years; and if, at the end of that period, he be living, then for fourteen years more; but, if he be not then living, the copy-right is determined, although, by the very event of the death of the author, his family stand in more need of the only means of subsistence ordinarily left to them. In England, the right of an author to the exclusive and perpetual profits of his book was enjoyed, and never questioned, until it was decided in Parliament, by a small vote, in the case of Miller vs. Taylor, in the year 1769, and contrary to a deciThe committee have observed, that it is the usage of sion of the same case in the King's Bench, that the statute Governments to give some additional as well as substan- of Ann had abridged the common law right, which, it was tial evidence of the country's gratitude to those who have conceded, had existed, instead of merely guarding and been its defenders in the hour of peril or calamity: sound securing it by forfeitures for a limited time, as was obpolicy has ever dictated this course; and monarchs even, viously intended. But Parliament, feeling the injustice however despotic, have seldom, if ever, been found to of the statute of Ann, thus construed, afterwards passed a neglect it. This Government, no more than that of any statute, which is now the law of that kingdom, securing other country, has no patent right for the preservation of to an author a copy-right for twenty-eight years, and, if its peace, or for its protection against foreign aggression; he be living at the end of that period, for his life. In France, and, should the time again come, when it will need the before 1826, a copy-right was secured to the author for assistance of its citizens in a similar or other controversy, life, to his widow for her life, and then to his children for it would find its account in doing, even at this late period, twenty-six years. In 1826, the King appointed a numerous that which it ought to have done years ago, and which is board of commissioners to revise the law of literary pronow sought to be done. perty. They reported a bill extending the period of enjoyIt is, therefore, the opinion of the committee, that the ment to fifty years after the death of the author, which is officers of the army in the late war with Great Britain now the law of France. In Russia, a copy-right is securhave strong claims upon the justice as well as upon the ed for life, and twenty years afterwards. In Germany, liberality of the country, and that every noble principle Norway, and Sweden, the right is held to be perpetual. of our nature requires us to satisfy them. Under these It is believed that this comparison shows that the United several views of the subject, and of many others which States are far behind the States of Europe in securing the time does not permit the committee to enumerate, they fruits of intellectual labor, and in encouraging men of have come to the conclusion that it is just, politic, and ex-letters.

pedient, to grant the prayer of the memorialists, and gene- Your committee believe that the just claims of authors

21st CoxG. 2d SESS.]

Mileage of Members of Congress.--Duty on Imported Salt.

require from our legislation a protection not less than what pay, are the miles usually or most generally travelled, from is proposed in the bill reported. Upon the first princi- the neighborhood or part of the country in which he reples of proprietorship in property, an author has an ex-sides. This seems to be the obvious intention of the law; clusive and perpetual right, in preference to any other, to and it is not to be supposed that members of Congress the fruits of his labor. Though the nature of literary pro- were to have any greater or lesser privileges in travelling perty is peculiar, it is not the less real and valuable. If to and from the seat of Government than other people. labor and effort in producing what before was not possess- And it is presumed, if due attention was paid to this prined or known, will give title, then the literary man has title, ciple, though there would still, from the very nature of perfect and absolute, and should have his reward: he things, be variations, yet, in the main, equality and justice writes and he labors as assiduously as does the mechanic or might generally be as nearly arrived at as by any other husbandman. The scholar, who secludes himself, and mode of computation; unless, indeed, the restrictive prinwastes his life, and often his property, to enlighten the ciple, under the supervision of the members, the officers world, has the best right to the profits of those labors: the of the two Houses, and the Postmaster General, already planter, the mechanic, the professional man, cannot pre-alluded to, should be adopted. This, if equality is the obfer a better title to what is admitted to be his own. Nor ject, is decidedly preferable; but, if retrenchment is the is there any doubt what the interest and honor of the end in view, a reduction of the amount for every twenty country demand on this subject. We are justly proud of miles, from what it now is, would be the remedy. But the knowledge and virtue of our fellow-citizens. Shall we even the restricted method could not arrive at equality. not encourage the means of that knowledge, and enlighten We have heard here a great deal about constructive jourthat virtue, so necessary to the security and judicious ex-neys. Does any man believe that it was the intention of ercise of civil and political rights? We ought to present the law that members should be paid for journeys they did every reasonable inducement to influence men to conse- not make? There have been very great apparent errors crate their talents to the advancement of science. It can- committed; and the committee, in discharge of their duty, not be for the interest or honor of our country that intel-in seeking the aid of the Postmaster General, have, so far lectual labor should be depreciated, and a life devoted to from having obtained from that source such certainty as research and laborious study terminate in disappointment might, though very erroneously, have been supposed to and poverty. be in possession of that officer, been sustained in their

Your committee do not perceive any reason for denying opinion of the difficulties attending the subject, by the to authors the protection of the law, to the extent propos- following remarks: "The course now pursued by the ed. There is no serious danger of a monopoly. The Post Office Department is, where the distance has not question is, whether the author or the bookseller shall been ascertained by actual survey, to obtain from differreap the reward. It is for the interest of the author to ent postmasters on a route the stated distances from one supply the market upon such terms as will ensure the office to another. These, in some few instances, have greatest sale; and he will always do this. been obtained by measurement, especially on turnpike

This bill secures to the author a copy-right for twenty-roads; but by far the greater proportion of them are given eight years, in the first instance, with a right of renewal by mere estimate, according to the reputed distances for fourteen more, if, at the end of the first period, the in their neighborhoods. The reports of postmasters of author be living, or shall leave a family. It is believed the estimated distances often differ considerably one from that the provisions of the bill are not too liberal, and that another; in some instances, from five to ten per cent. In Congress ought not to do less than is proposed. Even this is less than is done in any one of the European States referred to.

MILEAGE OF MEMBERS OF CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 7, 1831. Mr. HALL, from the Committee on Public Expenditures, to which was referred a resolution of the House relative to a uniform rule for estimating mileage of members of Congress, reported:

such cases, the mean is generally taken." Again, he says, "No rate can be given to equalize the mileage of members of Congress, unless the several distances should be ascertained by actual measurement: an approximation is all that could be hoped for. Perhaps the post route on which the mail is most usually transported would come as near to the object sought as any other general rule that could be laid down." And, in conclusion, he observes: "Probably the most eligible plan would be, to take the most usual post route as the criterion for a general rule, subject to such exceptions as Congress, in their wisdom, should deem advisable.”

of the House that either of the plans presented in this report should be adopted, or that it should, by a specific act, be made the duty of the Committee of Accounts of both Houses, who have the subject, respectively for each, specially committed to them, that then the Committee va Public Expenditures, or any other appropriate committee, be imperatively required to report to that effect by bill.

The Committee on Public Expenditures having been instructed by the resolution to inquire into the subject, have done so; and, being unable to come to or devise any definite plan, ask to be discharged from the further con sideration of the subject.

That the subject, upon investigation, seems attended with difficulties which render it impracticable to establish The committee will suggest that, should it be the will any rule which will operate entirely equal. That the existing law, if its plain and evident intention is carried into effect, will approximate sufficiently near equality to render any alteration unnecessary, unless a rule is adopted to make it the duty of the Secretary of the Senate, and Sergeant at Arms of the House of Representatives, with the aid of each member of either House, and Delegate of a Territory, assisted by the Postmaster General, to make an estimate, as nearly as possible, of the actual distance (in a direct line) of the residence of each Member, Senator, and Delegate, from the seat of Government; and that the mileage of Senators, Members, and Delegates, be computed according to such estimate. It did not seem expedient to the committee to adopt this principle in the shape of a bill; and it is believed that no other method would arrive at or approximate to equality so nearly as to render a change of the law materially beneficial. It seems evident to the committee, that the intention of the law of 1818 is simply this: that each member is to be paid for the miles he does travel, and not for those he does not travel; but that the miles which he does travel, and for which he is to receive]

DUTY ON IMPORTED SALT.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 3, 1831. Mr. MALLARY, from the Committee on Manufactures, to whom was referred the "memorial of the manufacturers of salt in Kenhawa county, Virginia, praying for a restoration of the duty on imported salt," presented to the House the following report:

Duty on Imported Salt.

In 1826, we received from Great Bri
tain and its dependencies,
From all other places,

In all,

In 1829, from Great Britain and its
dependencies,

From all other places,

[21st CoNG. 2d SESS.

3,533,796 bushels. 1,030,924

4,564,720 bushels.

4,114,047 bushels. 1,831,500

The committee have taken the same into consideration, supply, it is heightened by a knowledge of the fact that a and are fully of opinion that the laws of the last session of great proportion of that supply is derived from a single naCongress, reducing the duty on foreign salt, ought to be tion and its dependencies. suspended from further operation. The reasons for that opinion they respectfully offer to the House. They will be stated with all the brevity which the subject allows. The committee consider salt as an article of first necessity, demanded alike by the rich and poor. It is essential, at least, to a comfortable support of human life. It is useful in many of the arts, and all-important to the great agricultural interests of the country. Its value cannot be estimated too high. It is on the ground that it is an article of general and all-pervading necessity, that the committee wish to consider the subject. It seems, therefore, to the committee, that the higher it ranks among the articles required by necessity, the more imperious is the duty of the Government to provide for its production. It ought not to be exposed to danger from any cause which can be averted. The more earnestly this or any other article may be demanded by necessity, the greater should be our exertions to secure an ample and permanent supply. We should provide against all contingencies which may produce want and distress among the people. Nothing ought to be left to chance, when perfect or even partial security can be attained.

Food and raiment may supply the earliest and most pressing wants. The great mass of our people could provide these from the soil, aided by household labor and a few mechanic arts, which never fail to spring up within the narrow circles of society. After these are obtained, nothing can come more effectually to the relief of want than the article in question. Coffee, tea, sugar, silks--a thousand things would be abandoned before salt could be dispensed with.

In all,

5,945,547 bushels.

Even under the influence of the great domestic supply, during the past season, salt in some of our cities rose to 55 cents the bushel; recently it sold at 423. It was supposed by many that the advance was caused by a belief that the domestic production would have been limited under the influence of the act of last session. But, had the recent sales been effected at 10 cents, instead of 424, the country trader will be required to pay the common market price, when he shall resort to the emporium to replenish his store next spring.

This also applies, in some degree, to the country trade. The great proportion of Northern mercantile business concentrates in New York. It is carried on chiefly at some annual periods, spring and fall. Country merchants understand with great accuracy the condition of their cus tomers, what supplies are needed, and what proportion, among several in the same town or village, each usually furnishes. All are careful not to overstock the market. If one purchases in New York at a price reduced to the Should war again take place with the great maritime lowest point from some accidental cause, and ten days afPower of Europe; should other nations, from which we ter his neighbor purchases at a higher price of five or ten derive a portion of our supplies, in a fit of jealousy or re- cents per bushel, still they both must offer the article in the taliation, interrupt our trade; should our own Govern- same market. Should the highest purchaser feel confident ment resort again to non-intercourse or non-importation; that he can dispose of what he has bought in a reasonable should any sudden revolution in commerce take place, all time, he will keep up the price to meet cost and profit. can see the dangers to which our people would be exposed. This is equally known to the lowest purchaser, and he can The means of procuring a full and adequate supply ex- safely ask the same price for what cost him much less than ist in our own country. They are found on the long line it cost the other. Hence it is evident that the consumer of our seacoast, in numerous parts of our deep interior. The manufacture already exists, to a greater or lesser extent, in nineteen of the twenty-four States of the Union. Investments of capital, improvements for perfecting the article, were daily making, and would have continued with accelerated rapidity, had they not been partially arrested by the act of last session.

gains little or nothing by the common fluctuations of trade; he pays for all the profits of monopoly and speculation, and enjoys no equivalent in return. It would seem that these remarks apply with even greater force to the vast population west of the mountains, in the broad valley of the Mississippi.

The quantity of salt imported into New Orleans, in If our country must depend on a foreign supply, the 1830, was a little less than 400,000 bushels. The quantity consumers of all classes are exposed to other dangers. manufactured on the Western waters amounted to about The greatest proportion of imports will be made in our 2,400,000. The present consumption requires at least principal seaports. The salt trade is conducted by com- 2,800,000. From the rapid increase of population, paratively a few. It is not cut up and divided as much as 3,500,000 bushels in a short period will be required, and that of other branches of foreign business. It is generally the ratio of increased consumption will rapidly advance received by our shipping rather as ballast than for the for half a century to come. Suppose the required supply purposes of profitable freight. It is easily monopolized. should be imported, the importation must, of necessity, Our merchants on the seaboard could, whenever they be confined to a few individuals; it would be exposed to pleased, take it under their own control. Like every all the varied causes of fluctuating trade. New Orleans other class of our citizens, they are in pursuit of gain. would be the only door through which it could pass to the To monopolize an article at common prices, and then de- immense Western regions. It must be bought at all events. mand exorbitant profits, is no uncommon occurrence. To- Concentrated at one point, it could be gathered up by day the market is glutted, and prices settle down to the monopoly, having unlimited capital at control, and dealt lowest point, when monopoly advances, and grasps the out to waiting want and necessity, at prices which specuwhole. Next week there seems to be a scarcity, and lation might please to demand. A domestic supply is now prices advance as high as speculation can reach. This is certain, and may be forever secured. It can never be considered one of the most capital operations of trade. controlled by any external circumstances. Domestic moNo article has been more under its influence than salt. If, nopoly cannot exist to any dangerous extent among nearly of late, it has been less so, it is owing to the great domestic a hundred establishments, scattered along a line of a thouproduction. The effects of this will be more fully ex-sand miles, and where new sources of supply, to any explained in this report. tent, may be opened whenever they may be required. Besides the common danger of dependence on externa] | It appears, by the evidence before the committee, and

VOL. VII.-Q

annexed to this report, that there has been a steady and, observed, one of the greatest dangers to which the con rapid decline in the price of salt in the Western country sumers of salt would be exposed, is a monopoly of the ar since 1820. At Nashville, Tennessee, in the years 1817, ticle by the dealers on the seaboard, if we depended solely '18, '19, and '20, salt sold from two to three dollars per on a foreign supply. This has been in a great measure bushel of fifty pounds. The present price is 62 cents; prevented by the immense quantity manufactured in the 75 cents is the average price for the past year. At Louis- United States. If an effort was made by speculators to ville, the price, during the season past, has been from 45 raise the price of the foreign article exorbitantly high by to 50 cents. In Madisonville, Indiana, the price, for the monopoly, country dealers would leave it on their hands. past twelve months, has been 50 cents per bushel. At If they should purchase and transport it to the interior, the St. Louis, during the same period, the price has varied people would not purchase, because a great stock of domes from 56 to 62 cents. tic salt is always to be found, or can be easily obtained, at moIt would seem that when the article can be obtained in derate rates. Before this could be exhausted, sales of the abundance at such prices, there is no substantial reason foreign article must be made. Country capital would fail for complaint, more especially when it is mainly owing to in the contest. Prices given to scaboard speculation the domestic supply, produced under the influence of pro- would come down to prices demanded by the domestic artecting duties, and, also, when there is every reason to ticle. Here is the distinct cause why a monopoly by cur anticipate a continued reduction if the domestic manufac- seaboard merchants would be wholly unavailing. But turer may be permitted to pursue his course unmolested. should the country depend entirely on the foreign importBy some, it may be supposed, that, if prices are advanc-ations, or chiefly, every one can readily perceive the ed by monopoly or the fluctuations of trade, the manufac- danger to which all classes of consumers would be expos turer can participate in the advantages equally with the ed. Little sympathy would be felt for them by those who dealer in the foreign article. This would be impossible. were gaining fortunes, even at the expense of want and It is only by a regular, steady demand and price that he suffering. The country dealers must purchase, and could can pursue his business. When there will be a glut in safely purchase. The people must buy of the merchant, the market, when scarcity, when monopoly will control, or live without; to no other source of supply could they he cannot foresee. An extraordinary depression in price, look. If the domestic manufacture flourishes, the people for a scason, may ruin him. His capital may be wasted can pass by the foreign article with indifference. Those before remunerating prices return. It requires years for along the seacoast can find it there; those in the North the manufacturer to make preparations; the rise of all can find abundance at the great salt works of New York: prices may be effected in a moment. Uncertainty will from thence it is readily distributed, by canals and lakes, prevent the use of establishments already in existence, and to every part of the interior. The West can be supplied new ones will not be undertaken.

dance.

abundantly from its own resources. Monopoly finds a barrier against its operations in every part of the country. In case of war or interruption of commerce, and foreign supply is withheld, every thing is prepared for an extersion to meet every possible want.

The committee cannot discover any object more valuable, more national, more vitally important to the country, than a steady, uniform, abundant, and uncontrollable supply of an article so essential at all times to every rank and condition of life. It should be secured by all reasonable Another reason is offered. The domestic manufacture means which the Government can command. It is easily employs and sustains thousands of our people. They accomplished by a just improvement of the resources have been diverted from other pursuits, already reduced which the nation possesses within itself in the fullest abun to the lowest point of profit. The people around the By pursuing this course, the numerous dangers manufactories, for a considerable distance, can obtain a to which our people are perpetually exposed while de supply in exchange for various articles, which they have pendent on foreign supply, would be readily averted. to spare, and which could not bear transportation to those The committee would now allude to the effects which places where foreign salt is obtained. clearly have been produced by the domestic manufacture | Again: Four or five millions of bushels of salt greatly of salt. On an average for each of the last five years, it multiply domestic exchanges. The operation is generally amounted to about 4,250,000 bushels. Importations for confined to the interior, and most of the direct and imme the same period, annually, have averaged about 5,500,000 diate benefits begin and end there. This, it is true, may bushels; the annual consumption of all kinds, 9,750,000. diminish the business of those engaged in the foreign salt Suppose the domestic manufacture destroyed-the annual trade, and may be the sole cause, in the minds of many production of 4,250,000 annihilated--what must be the for desiring a total suppression of the domestic manufacconsequence? The effect, for a season, might be, per- ture. All know that the sharp eye of foreign commerce haps, to depress prices, because a good supply, both of has watched, and is watching, the progress of domestic foreign and domestic salt, is on hand, waiting the ordinary industry with jealous alarm. In a case like the present, demands of consumption. In anticipation of an advance where the foreign article must, of recessity, pass through in price, the foreign surplus, if any, or even a draught on the hands of the seaboard merchants, it is very natural common supply from abroad, might be made, and thrown that they, like all other classes of people, should suppose into our markets. A momentary glut would take place, that whatever business was profitable to them, must con and depression of price might follow. But another contribute to the general good; that nothing could be useful sequence would rapidly succeed. The domestic produc- to the country unless they shared in the profits. It, there tion of nearly one-half which the country consumes would fore, becomes the duty of the Government to examine the be nearly destroyed, and a limited supply take place. interests of all with strict impartiality, consider them This would, of course, be attended with the highest prices. fairly, and adjust them in a manner best calculated to proBut the work of destruction would be completed. This mote the prosperity of every portion of our country great necessary of life would depend on foreign labor, foreign capital, the vicissitudes of foreign trade, and of fo- is on foreign The committee considering, also, that the article of salt reign and domestic speculation. The ruins of our manu- nations for a supply would be almost as dangerous as factories would be a perpetual warning against any further allow them to control the air; that a superintending Provi effort. Should, at some future day, the wants of the dence has placed the means of abundance within the un

country offer protection, prudence would avoid the allurement to another sacrifice.

disturbed dominion of our own
people and Government,

it clearly comes within the range of the protecting power retaining the former duty on foreign salt. As has been which duties were laid for revenue alone. No one ever The committee would offer another reason in favor of and policy. It does not belong to that class of articles on

T

supposed that the duty on tea, pepper, pimento, cinna- required of a numerous body of our fellow-citizens, and mon, Peruvian bark, capers, and olives, was intended to from the exposure of the whole country to the dangers protect or encourage their production. They have no which have been described, the committee most respectconnexion with the protecting tariff. Duty on these was fully repeat the hope that the House will review its opinion, for revenue; and when revenue is no longer wanted, it as expressed in the act of the last session. Could the Gomay be repealed with perfect safety. But this by no means vernment have given more decisive assurances of support implies that duties which really effectually sustain some to any branch of manufacture than it has to this? Could valuable branch of domestic industry, should be abandon- our fellow-citizens have asked a more solemn pledge of ed. Even a surplus in the treasury would be a lesser evil. support than has been given? It was never urged on the The committee will proceed to consider the measures Government by manufacturers; it was not the result of adopted by the Government in relation to salt, and the anxious and urgent solicitations on their part, but a sponclaims which the manufacturer has to a continued support. taneous movement on the part of the Government itself, The first duty on salt was imposed by the act of Con-to accomplish a great national object. The voice of exgress, in 1789. Its preamble declares, "Whereas it is perience was then heard; its admonitions were then felt; necessary for the support of Government, and for the dis- and it might have been hoped, that, in peace and proscharge of the debts of the United States, and the encou- perity, they would not have been forgotten. ragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be It appears that the capital invested in the manufacture of laid on goods, wares, and merchandises, imported." In salt amounts to about $7,000,000. The product, in 1829, this preamble is found a full and ample recognition of the may be safely estimated at 4,500,000 bushels. The amount power to encourage and protect manufactures, instanta- manufactured in 1830 has already diminished, from alarm neously following the adoption of the constitution. On caused by the recent reduction of duty. The number of salt was laid a duty of six cents per bushel--a duty higher, persons actually engaged is about 3,600. They, with in proportion to the foreign value of the article, than was those immediately dependent, will make an aggregate of laid on almost every other. It must have been well known 14,000. And here it may be remarked, that, to sustain in our early life as a nation, how dangerous and unavailing this great number of people, agricultural products, to an it was to look abroad for a supply. All of the members immense amount, are constantly required. These are obwho composed the Congress of 1789, must have seen the tained in exchange, in a great degree, for the article mamiseries of the revolution; most of them must have largely nufactured. But they are so scattered over the surface of shared in the common sufferings. The policy of encou- our extended country, that the market they afford escapes raging and protecting the domestic manufacture was superficial observation. If they, or a fourth part, were prompted by a full knowledge of the privations of a pa- concentrated at any one point of the country, the effects triot army, in every degree of distress, of the wants of the would be most distinctly apparent. The little army duwhole country. During the last war, also, our farmers, ring the late war stationed on our frontiers, drew supplies the middling classes, and the poor, well remember how for hundreds of miles around it. Our farmers and medear was the price of the article, and how difficult to obtain chanics well knew how great was the market it afforded. it. Then the Government and people urged on the ma- Had it been dispersed in companies over nineteen States, nufacturer to the greatest exertion; even called it patriotic, like the manufacturers of salt, the effects would have been and promised faithful, cordial, and lasting support. If, scarcely perceptible, although, in the aggregate, equally during the late war and restrictions on foreign commerce, important to the whole country, in furnishing a market with our people suffered less, it must be admitted that it was supplies, as if it had been assembled in one encampment. entirely owing to the vigorous efforts of our manufactur

ers.

But, when open and apparent danger seems to be removed to a distance, appeals are often made to the supposed interests of the middling classes and the poor, to sacrifice those who provided for their wants in the time of their utmost need.

The committee cannot avoid the repetition of the statement, that the duty of twenty cents was laid as early as 1797, and continued, with but a single interruption, to 1830. At the time of that interruption, the manufacture had scarcely commenced. From 1813 to the last session, a period of seventeen years, during which time the proBy the act of August, 1790, the duty on foreign salt tecting tariff having undergone repeated changes and was advanced to twelve cents the bushel. In 1797, the modifications, the duty on salt has been undisturbed and duty on each bushel was twenty cents. This act remained untouched. During this period of seventeen years, the in force for ten years. In 1807, all duties on salt were manufacture has been rapidly increasing, and the quality abolished. The committee are advised from the best au- daily improved by advancing skill and continued expethority, that no reduction of prices was the consequence. rience. Why, then, should so many thousands of our By the act of July, 1813, the duty of twenty cents per fellow-citizens be abandoned at a time when they supposed bushel was again imposed, to take effect on the 1st Janua- themselves reposing in perfect security under the protectry, 1814, and to continue in operation until the end of the ing shield of their Government? It is a republican Gothen existing war, and one year afterwards. By the act vernment, and bound to protect its citizens in their various of April, 1816, on a general revision of the tariff, the duty pursuits, and most especially when that Government has of twenty cents per bushel on salt was made perpetual. allured them to engage in new occupations, which are The tariff of 1816 was intended to provide a revenue, and giving every promise of success, and are contributing at the same time to be so adjusted as to give efficient pro- largely to the independence of the country. When orders tection to the different branches of manufacture which had in council from England, and decrees of Napoleon, exposed sprung into existence from previous protection, or from neutral commerce to every peril on the ocean, our merrestrictions on commerce, or from the war itself. The chants, with open eyes, encountered all hazards. Their tariff, as a protecting system, since 1816, has been twice enterprise exposed them to spoliations. Aided by a generevised, and at each time the protecting duties have been ral sympathy, the help of Government has been repeataugmented on almost every article of foreign production edly invoked to their assistance. Its utmost exertions have which came in competition with the domestic manufac- been made, and are now making, to obtain indemnity. ture, excepting the single article of salt. The duty on Appeals have been often made to the honor and dignity of that is now twenty cents per bushel, the same as was laid the nation, to demand redress, even by arms. by the act of 1797, repealed in 1807, and re-enacted in mittee hope thousands of humble manufacturers of salt 1813. From this brief history of our legislation on the may be objects of national regard. subject; from the deep root which the manufacture of salt has taken in the country; from the sacrifices about to be

The com

The committee will refer to an argument which has been used, and which, it is supposed, was attended with con