But

to be obviated." He also advises Congress that objects of ing is, therefore, obscure. Iron, it is presumed, would national importance ought alone to be protected. Of be considered essential to "national defence," and, being these, the productions of our soil, our mines, and our the product of “our mines," should be protected. workshops, "essential to national defence, occupy the that protection which would produce the material for a first rank. Whatever other species of domestic industry, musket would also furnish it for axes and ploughs. A having the importance to which I have referred, may be duty that would give us domestic bullets, is all that might expected, after temporary protection, to compete with be required to supply the country with domestic lead for foreign labor on equal terms, merit the same attention in every use. But are muskets, and powder, and bullets, all a subordinate degree." Suppose the opinion to be cor- that may be essential to "national defence?" An army rect, "that objects of national importance ought alone to might be most abundantly provided with these, and yet be protected," what then? The President has not, by this be totally inefficient in the field, if it wanted hats, and general expression, afforded the least aid in adjusting the coats, and shirts, and shoes, and blankets. The condition details of a protecting tariff. If the action of Government of our country, during the last war, furnished a well decould be confined to abstract rules and principles, little fined illustration of this sentiment. Various manufacdifference of opinion would probably exist in the nation. tures, then, were considered of national importance, which The great embarrassment is found in making an applica- the doctrines of free trade now erase from the catalogue. tion of excellent theory to practical and useful purpose. But a duty imposed for promoting the domestic manufac The protecting system, the tariff, is composed of humble ture of these articles, for military purposes alone, would items. These, united, make up the great mass of national be an anomaly in the annals of any nation. That protectindustry. Had the President been pleased to designate a ing policy which could supply the wants of an army in few items only, which he supposed to possess "national war must be allowed to operate in peace. Hence the importance," or had he pointed out what "comforts of difficulty of any classification of interests, while all are life are taxed unnecessarily high--what are the interests distinctly and equally governed by the same great constitoo local and minute to justify a general exaction, which it tutional power derived from the States. It is also to be undertakes to protect, and what kinds of manufactures for remembered that peace with the world is the natural conwhich the country is not ripe, it attempts to force," we dition of this country. It is not the foreign bayonet that should then have the light and benefit of illustration. we have the most reason to apprehend: it is the "selfish General theory may be adopted with perfect unanimity. and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign Its application to real use, its coming down to the every nations." To guard against this is an object of "national day exertion of our farmers and mechanics, is a different importance." For peace or war the protecting policy is affair. Under general theory, any one can make a retreat equally adapted, and it is believed by the committee that and maintain that it has been done with consistency and the best preparation for national defence may be found in honor. Theory is best explained by its application to the the rigorous cultivation of the arts of peace. Our people axe, the plough, the hammer, and the spindle. The Chief ought not to be perpetually dependent on orders in counMagistrate presides over a people, who are engaged in cil or decrees of emperors. Our country ought not to unceasing and untiring industry. Congress has for years, wait, until invasion surrounds it, and then beg blankets and on repeated occasions, exercised its wisdom on the from invaders to warm a shivering army, engaged in tariff. Its best efforts have been made. If errors exist,"national defence."

it would seem reasonable to expect, that the Chief Magis- The President alludes to another species of industry trate, looking abroad from his high station over all the in- having the importance to which he before had referred, and terests of the country, and observing their mutual relations which may be expected, after "temporary protection, to and dependencies, should intimate to the representatives compete with foreign labor on equal terms." This spcof the people, what particular business of life has been too cies of industry, in his opinion, merits "the same atten warmly cherished-what too coldly neglected. In adjust-tion, in a subordinate degree," while, in speaking of obing the details of the tariff, Congress has done what it jects "essential to national defence," he prescribes no limideemed best for the general good. To reach the cm-tation, either as to the extent of protection or its duration. ployments of life, it must go down to particulars. If the The other class he considers entitled to the "same attenPresident is still dissatisfied, it might have been hoped that tion," yet qualified by the expression, in a subordinate he would have designated the precise error. It will degree." This qualification seems to render it difficult, always be borne in mind, by practical men, and they com- if not impossible to ascertain the extent of the rule which pose the mass of the nation, that abstract theory, however he has adopted for his own action, and the guidance of splendid, docs but little good, unless it comes to the aid of Congress. Instead of opening a luminous pathway, in every muscle of labor. In what consists the defect of the which all branches of the Government may move on in existing tariff? Individuals may discover imperfections, unison and safety, new embarrassments appear to be but the collected wisdom of the nation has repeatedly de- added to those already encountered by Congress in adjustclared that material change is not demanded. Nothing ing the detailed provisions of the tariff. It would seem to better, under existing circumstances, can be done. Then be the meaning of the President, that, after a temporary let doubt and uncertainty be avoided. They are evils next protection has been extended to a manufacture for a reato the surrender of the whole system. sonable period, if it cannot then compete with foreign The message advises Congress that "objects of nation- labor on equal terms," it does not merit protection. This al importance alone ought to be protected; of these, the doctrine has been repeatedly advanced in Congress, and productions of our soil, our mines, and our workshops, the committee presume it to be the doctrine of the mes essential to national defence, cccupy the first rank." It sage. But it will not stand the test of experiment. Prior is to be presumed that Congress has not been unmindful to the late war, the coarse muslins consumed in the United of productions "essential to national defence." But the States were imported from India, and cost the consumer President says, "the present tariff taxes some of the com-about twenty-five cents the yard. By the war the supply forts of life unnecessarily high." They are not defined. was cut off-our cotton mills began to move, and a partial In the minds of many, what might be essential to national supply was furnished. At its close, when the India cotdefence, might also promote the comforts of life. If the tens were again imported, most of these establishments message meant only guns, powder, and bullets, difference were ruined. By the tariff of 1816, establishing what of opinion, even then, might exist, as to the extent of pro-was called the minimum duty on coarse cottens, the home tection which ought to be afforded to the various ele-market was effectually secured to our home manufacturers. ments of which they are composed. Its practical mean- Under its fostering influence they have flourished and

Report on Manufactures.

[21st CoNG. 2d SESS. multiplied; and such have been our improvements in skill, its different provisions, that "small minorities" may be and labor, and machinery, that the consumer, instead of taught how to form a "combination" to overthrow it. paying twenty-five cents, now purchases at home a much What gives national importance to an object, or probetter article for eight cents the yard. Large exporta-duction of domestic industry? How is its national importtions of them are made to foreign countries. They are ance discovered? Whence derived-by what principle carried to India, China, and South America, where they decided? Is it the place of production in the United States; are sold to advantage. But suppose the protecting duty that imparts to it the character of "national importance?" withdrawn, and the American manufacturer left to com- Must production be found in every narrow subdivision of pete with foreign labor on equal terms." Admit the cot-the country? Must it, of necessity, be "general, not lotons of India, England, and Scotland, and what would be cal?" Should the answer be in the affirmative, the concenthe effect? Within two years not a single cotton mill in trated wisdom of the nation would never provide a protectthe United States would be in motion. The immense cap-ing tariff. Our various soils, our different climates, our ital invested in them, amounting to many millions, would diversified objects of industry, would present an impassabe utterly sunk to the country, and their owners irretriev-ble barrier against the adoption of any system of protecably ruined. And why? Not because we cannot make tion. The farmer who grows wheat, asks the aid of Gogoods as cheap as in Manchester and Glasgow, but because vernment to protect that article. He knows that Poland, a war would be waged by British capital against Ameri-Russia, the Barbary States and France, may furnish, at can capital-a war of extermination. Such a war has times, wheat cheaper on the seaboard, than he can afford been waged upon every article of American industry, it. When he asks protection, an objection is made. Some whenever the protecting duty has been inadequate, or the portions of the Union do not produce wheat. Its produclaw extending the duty so framed, that mercantile cupidity tion is not general. It must be rejected. Butter and and the cunning of foreign manufacturers could evade it. cheese are presented for protection. Our farmers can There is another rule laid down by the President which produce them in abundance. The Irish tenant, who subthe committee have thought proper to examine. It is consists on the humblest fare that unfeeling oppression deals tained in the expression that "objects of national import-out, may furnish them cheaper than the cultivators of our ance alone ought to be protected." The committee will sol. Yet it is discovered, that portions of our extended not here enter into a discussion of the question whether country are unable to produce butter and cheese. They Congress may not protect objects local in character. The cannot be protected. They are "local" and not general. States, in their original independence before the adoption Iron is named. This is indispensable in peace and war. of the constitution, could have used the power of impos- It may, perhaps, be for a time, furnished by boors and ing duties on imports for the express purpose of protect- serfs, laboring under the command of Russian and Swedish ing local objects, according to the doctrine entertained by nobility, a little cheaper than the Pennsylvania and New the President, in which the committee fully concur. The Jersey forgemen can produce it, and live as independent several States no longer possess that power. Where is it? citizens ought to live in a free country. But iron is a Where has it fled? On what shelf is it laid? The Go-"local object, not general." It must be rejected. vernment of the Union possesses it, or it has become "ex- Hemp is named, an article so valuable to the indepentinct." If an object did present itself, purely local in its dence of all branches of the navigation of our country. character, and its protection was demanded by the pros- The strong arm of protection holds foreign_navigation perity and happiness of a single State, and this could be away from our domestic trade. It should unfurl Ameribest done, or done only, by the delegated power from the can canvass with delight. It should also be well kept in States to impose duties on imports, it should be well con- mind, that the great body of American consumers of foreign sidered, before Congress rejected a proposition for that productions sustain navigation engaged in foreign compurpose. The discussion of this subject, at this time, is merce. The splendid ship that carries and brings is still not intended. It may, however, be intimated that it is the subordinate to the interests of those who buy and use, and duty of the General Government to protect every State, pay for the cargo. The merchants on our seaboard may county, and town, in the Union from invasion. The Go-heap up wealth, build palaces, command the luxuries of vernment of the Union is bound to protect every inch of life, but they must well keep in mind, that they all owe our soil from a hostile bayonet. It has equal power to their prosperity to the strong arm of labor; they owe protect every finger of domestic industry against foreign to the daily toil of our yeomanry, whether engaged in subcompetition. Let it be firmly exercised. It matters but duing the summits of the Green mountains, or cultivating little to real national independence, whether foreign guns the glens of the Allegany. Let, then, the hemp of Ohio, or foreign labor conquer us. However this may be con- Kentucky, and Tennessee, be protected. Let the people sidered, it is fully believed by the committee, that the of those States have a share in the advantages of that polipresent tariff, taken together, or in the minutest detail, is cy, which they are willing to defend. If it has so happennational in its character, although the language of the ed, that navigation engaged in our foreign trade, is sufferPresident may seem to imply, that, in this respect, it is ing from foreign competition, it is owing to itself. All defective. He has also told us in his message, that, "it which it asked for protection was freely granted. When is an infirmity of our nature, to mingle our interests and it had gained such an ascendancy, as it supposed would prejudices, with the operation of our reasoning powers, enable it to challenge foreign competition, it triumphantly and attribute to the objects of our likes and dislikes, quali- told the Government that protection was no longer wanted. ties they do not possess, and effects they cannot produce," Hence treaty after treaty has been concluded for reciprothat our deliberations on this interesting subject should be cal navigation. This was urged by the advocates of free uninfluenced "by partisan conflicts," and should not be trade. If now it is a little crippled, if other nations supmade subservient to the short-sighted views of faction." ply us with a little more navigation, is it a greater evil than The committee have a due regard both to the admonition if foreigners supplied us with a little more iron, or hemp, and the sentiments expressed by the President; and they or sugar, or cotton, or woollens? Must the great system also entertain a most ardent hope, that our fellow-citizens of protection be abandoned, because navigation has been will keep a steady, searching eye on every movement of indulged in its wish and has been somewhat disappointed? political ambition, in whatever quarter of our country it The advocates of free trade ought rather to rejoice that may appear. It may speak well and pleasantly to the pub- our interest is free from the fetters of protection. lic ear, in favor of a national protecting system, and yet, If foreign nations can build ships cheaper than the with a calm, fair, honest-looking countenance, scatter people of the United States, why not cheerfully employ such mysterious, yet captivating doubts, as to the value of them? According to the doctrines of free trade, so much

VOL. VII.--I

would be gained. But yet if navigation wants assistance, may apply to other countries. As applied to this country, there is every reason to believe that the power which pro- it is clearly erroneous. Appreciation in any commodity, tected its infancy, if desired, will come cheerfully again to gold, silver, corn, or lumber, depends, in a great degree, its support, in every way and by all means consistent with on abundance or scarcity. If currency, whether comthe great interests of the country. But hemp is a "local not posed of silver, gold, or bank notes, is plenty, the nom a general" production, and must, therefore, be rejected. nal price of all articles required for general consumption Sugar is proposed. It is an article of necessity, comfort, will rise, because the owners of currency must use it for and luxury. It cannot be produced in Maine or Penn-profit. The greater the plenty, the more it will be used. sylvania. Its production must be confined to the warm In such case, less profit will satisfy. This cause enhances region of our country, where the great staples of other the price of every thing that currency purchases: for it ports are uncongenial. But it must be rejected according must and will be employed. The precious metals are the to the rule. Its production is local-not general. The base of our national currency. Our commercial operasame may be said of cotton and wool, of every article tions are filled with them. Exchange on foreign nations named in the tariff. The greatest and most valuable pro- was never lower; and if it seems to be against us, it is ductions of domestic industry are more or less local in their only because we have, by law, established a relative value origin--not general. Hence, if the rule is, that every por- between silver and gold, which the rest of the world will tion of the country must alike contribute to the production not adopt. of an article, which the constitution will allow to be protected, there never can be a protecting tariff at all; human wisdom could not devise one which would confer the least benefit on the country.

It cannot, therefore, be supposed, that the "reduced price" of domestic productions is caused by "the increased value" of the precious metals. It is to be attributed to domestic competition, and to an addition to The rule that any particular object of domestic industry the great supply of the world; and that the advance of must possess "national importance," to entitle it to pro- the price of cotton, and the steady support of "other tection, may be safely adopted, if properly understood and agricultural products," is owing to the diversified emapplied. A broad view might be taken of the condition ployments encouraged by the protecting system. Had of the country, of its productions, of its various business, the precious metals "increased in value," the benefits of of its perpetually blending and mingling interests. We the tariff would have been far more conspicuous. Prices must see the mutual relations which exist between the would have been lower still. The tendency of such narrowest sections of our country, and ascertain how wide-opinions of the President, as to the cause of the low ly and generally the various productions of domestic in dustry are distributed amongst the people. We should ascertain, for the practical purpose of legislation, what articles of domestic production, great or small, may be required for general use; what articles the people want; what their comfort and convenience demand; what articles are gathered up and distributed by the trade, business, and commerce of the country. The mames of the articles may be humble-it may be broadcloths, wood-screws, thimbles, bar iron, steam-engines, or the fabrics of cotton. But, whatever its name, the right of protection must be considered with reference to the great principles before mentioned.

By these principles, it is believed, the present tariff can be fully sustained.

prices of domestic manufactures, is to excite prejudice against the protecting system; to render it, in the estimation of our fellow-citizens, an object of little importance. The error of such opinions the committee consider it their duty to expose.

The President has informed us, that "the best, as well as the fairest mode of determining, whether, from any just considerations, a particular interest ought to receive protection, would be to submit the question singly for consideration. If, after due examination of its merits, unconnected with extraneous considerations--such as a desire to sustain a general system, or to purchase support for a different interest-it should enlist in its favor a majo rity of the Representatives of the people, there can be The President has advised Congress, that the tariff is but little danger of wrong or injury in adjusting the ta considered, by almost all, as defective in many of its parts. riff, with reference to its protective effect." The comSuppose this correct, it is proposed to inquire whether mittee pass over the caution against "extraneous consigreater perfection can be attained. If so, how? The derations;" that will be duly appreciated by the Repre President has left Congress unadvised. The Representa-sentatives of the people. The suggestions of the Pesitives of the people have recently, after their maturest dent, which relate to the manner in which a protecting deliberation, come to their best result. The details may tariff should be formed, the committee believe cannot be be imperfect. As a system, it "works well." Those adopted. If such views had prevailed since the adoption whose interests are involved are generally satisfied. It is of the constitution, no tariff for the protection of domesa subject of so much delicacy, that "it should be touched tic industry would have existed. If they now prevail, in with the utmost caution." all the branches of the Government, the tariff has no es

The committee must be fully convinced that improve-cape from total destruction. ments can be made, or they cannot, with a proper re- The framers of our constitution were equally distinspect to the "extended interests it involves," hazard anguished for profound intelligence and the purest patriotism. effort. Such is the "infirmity of our natures," that the In their great design to provide a government for this reenemies of the protecting system would rejoice to have public, which should promote and secure the various inthe benefit of little "likes and dislikes," to aid them in terests of every portion, did they adopt a single provision, their attacks. The President also expresses his opinion, but with open and avowed desire to make a general systhat "the effects of the present tariff are doubtless over- tem? Did not every State present, in bold relief, its sepa rated, both in its evils and advantages." The committee rate claims and interests? Was not each separate and disare confident that its evils are most unreasonably "over- tinct claim and interest presented by the different memrated." Its advantages are so manifest, that they have bers of the Convention, and well considered by the whole? been, in the estimation of many, too greatly undervalued. It was by uniting interests, great and small, scattered far The President advises us, that the decreased price of raw and wide, that our system of Government was adopted. materials, manufactured articles, provisions, and lands, Had "a particular interest" been submitted "singly,” arises from a cause deeper and more pervading than the from some portion of the country, and that, alone, must tariff of the United States." He supposes "it may, in a have been regarded, the Convention must have dissolved measure, be attributable to the increased value of the pre- without giving it a glance of notice. But the members of cious metals." that august assembly did make mutual concessions and compromises, in order to establish a general system.

66

The committee are unable to say how far this remark

Report on Manufactures.

[21st CoNG. 2d SESS.

The President has advised Congress, that the power of ty, submitted to Congress his views of the tariff, and these protecting domestic industry, by the aid of duties on im- having been referred to the Committee on Manufactures, ports, belongs to the General Government. know, is secured by a constitution, founded on liberal spectful consideration. This, all it became the committee to give them a candid and reconcession and compromise. The committee believe that Being representatives of the people, they have no apology the protecting power may be exercised, without exposure to make for the freedom with which the opinions of the This they have endeavored to do. to impeachment for motives, on the same principles as Chief Magistrate, on this interesting and delicate subject, governed the Convention which framed and recommended have been examined. our constitution, and the people who ratified it. plication of this protecting power must be made by the ed principles of the constitution have been applied, as The apIn framing the tariff, they believe that the acknowledg Representatives of the people. There is no other way faithfully as "Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monby which it can be exercised. Then, how can this be roe, done? How can it be brought down, home, to business it may be defective in parts, is adjusted on principles which ," could have desired: that the present tariff, although and bosom? If a blacksmith asks the Government of the those great statesmen approved. Had they been employUnion to protect the manufacture of an axe, must this ed to consider its details, and adapt them to the present question be submitted " singly" for deliberation? Must a condition of our country, and the world, and their united separate bill be introduced, and a vote of Congress taken? wisdom had been exerted, every one might have discovShall abstract theory place the seal of silence on the lips ered "imperfection in many of its parts;" yet, as a system, of the blacksmith, and forbid him to say that he wishes all of them would, most cheerfully, have given it their the forge, the loom, the sugar plantation, also, to be pro- powerful and hearty support. tected? The consequences are too plain for extensive firmity of our nature" too well, to designate a single intercommentary. They understood the "inThe great interests of the nation will hold est, and trust it to single consideration. They would generous communion among themselves. make common cause; they will make mutual concessions, together, stand side by side, and then provide a system by They will have made all interests that required protection come forth compromises, and even sacrifices, to promote the general which all could be mutually sustained. welfare, in imitation of the example set by the great founders of our Government. The committee are satisfied that the provisions of the right to consult each other. They will do so. Different interests have a existing tariff are national in their character; that no interhave always done so. They must and will act in concert if that it contains no evidence of attempts "to force manuThey est, which it has undertaken to protect, is "too minute;" they expect to exist. civil interests of the country, as much as mutual assistance importance to require revision; that "no comforts of life Mutual aid may be required by the factures for which the country is not ripe," of sufficient was once required from the different States at New Or- are taxed unnecessarily high,” with a proper regard to releans, or Plattsburgh. Statesmen who understand human venue and protection; that the "low prices of manufacnature must admit it. It is sanctioned by the purest ex-tured articles" have not been caused by the "increased amples of our country-of all countries. ment of the existing tariff, it might be presumed by ano- never before so abundant and cheap in the United States; In the adjust- value of the precious metals;" for the precious metals were ther branch of the Government that Congress did its duty; but, that the low prices of manufactured articles are causthat it did not improperly obtain support for different in- ed, in a great degree, by the existing tariff, which has made It must still be kept in mind, that if the infirmity the labor, skill, and enterprise of our people add a vast of our nature rendered it defective in its origin, an at- supply for consumption to the stores of the world. tempt at revision might add to its imperfection.

terests.

The com

a

American manufactures have had a long and arduous prosperity of the country is mainly to be attributed to the The committee fully believe that the present general conflict with the popular, yet delusive doctrine, that addi- protecting system, and if our fellow-citizens can retain full tional duties for their protection are taxes on the consu- faith and confidence, that our Government will firmly exmer; and that every man who wears a coat pays the duty ecute its repeated and solemn promises; that it will mainimposed into the pockets of the manufacturer. mittee will not go into any train of reasoning to show its right to demand from its dignity and honor, their pros tain the high assurance of support which our people have fallacy. They will merely advert to a few facts; and they perity will be daily and more rapidly promoted, and the congratulate the friends of the American system, that the resources of our country more and more amply developed. memory of every man in the nation can furnish abundant evidence that in all cases where the material is found at opinion of the President, that in framing a protecting taThe committee repeat that they cannot concur in the home, and the protecting duty has been adequate, the do- riff, each interest should be presented “singly for delibemestic article becomes cheaper in price, and improved in ration," without any reference to a general system. By quality. Cotton goods furnish a striking example of this such a rule, it is believed, that no protecting system could truth, and every man who wears a cotton shirt knows it. ever have been adopted, and by its influence, it is strongly The article of nails furnishes another proof, as is well apprehended, none can stand. The fears of the commitknown to every man who builds a house. The committee tee are the more explicitly declared, because enemies of might enumerate hundreds of articles, such as hats, caps, the system have, in a manner that cannot be misunderstood, shoes, boots, and cheese, to sustain them--but they know exposed their plan of operations. It is to present each it would be superfluous. The tax is not paid, because object "singly" for deliberation, and conquer the whole the articles are not imported. The duty secures the mar-system in detail.

ket to the home manufacturer; and domestic competition

The committee have thus presented to the House their

among the manufacturers reduces the cost to the lowest undisguised and undissembled opinions on the subject repossible price, while, at the same time, it improves the ferred," with the freedom and candor which they considquality. This is the plain truth of the matter; and it is ered the occasion for their expression" required. They now so well understood by the great mass of the nation, that believe that the tariff, having been so recently revised, any the American system will not be surrendered nor abandoned attempt to change its provisions, at this time, would spread so long as the people elect their own rulers. It has taken alarm among the great interests of our country, shake condeep root in our soil-the tree is flourishing, its branches fidence in the plighted faith of Government, destroy the have extended far and wide, and the people will frown indig- supposed well-founded hopes of millions of our fellow-citinantly upon every effort to wither its leaf, or to blast its zens, reduce them to penury, and expose the whole counfruit. be adopted by foreign nations.” try to the dangers of a "most selfish policy which might

The President having, in the proper exercise of his du

COUNTER REPORT UPON MANUFACTURES.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JAN. 13. Mr. MONELL submitted the following report: A minority of the Committee on Manufactures, to which was referred so much of the President's message as relates to the tariff of duties on imports, and so much thereof as respects manufactures, not concurring in the whole matter or manner of the report preferred by the majority, beg leave to submit their views in a separate report.

With the President, we fully concur in the opinion that there is great cause for congratulation in the practical operation of the tariff, proving, as it conclusively does, that the injuries to our commercial interests, so confidently predicted by its opponents, have not been realized.

With the President, we also concur in the constitutionality of an adjustment of impost duties, with a view to the protection of our own agriculture and manufactures. It would be difficult to frame a more direct, convincing, and conclusive argument on that point than is presented in the message.

That the present tariff is defective in some of its details, we have the concurrent testimony of almost all who have written or spoken upon the subject during its discussion, and since its last modification. In his message to Congress, at the opening of December session, in 1828, Presi dent Adams remarked:

"The tariff of the last session was, in its details, not acceptable to the great interests of the Union; not even to the interest which it was specially intended to subserve. Its object was to balance the burthens on native industry, imposed by the operation of foreign laws, but not to aggravate the burthens of one section of the Union by the relief afforded to another. To the great principle sanctioned in that act, one of those upon which the constitution itself was framed, I hope and trust the authorities of the Union will adhere. But if any of the duties imposed by the act only relieve the manufacturer by aggravating the burthens of the planter, let a careful revisal of its provisions, enlightened by the practical experience of its effects, be directed to retain those which impart protection to na tive industry, and remove or supply the place of those which only alleviate one national interest by the depression of another."

"While this stinted measure of protection is thus dealt out to the woollens, unexampled duties are proposed on other articles."

"This bill tends to oppress our navigation, and to destroy the markets for some of our productions." "This bill greatly increases the expenses of ship building."

"This bill must powerfully aid and advance the colonial policy of Great Britain."

Every manufacture in Maine, which this measure reaches, it injures and destroys."

"This bill, in its effects, co-operates with British policy. That favors the introduction of iron and hemp for their vessels; this taxes them for ours."

"If the question could be proposed to the British Parliament, they would pass this bill for us by acclamation; and should we of this committee adopt it in its present form, a British statesman might well say that we deserved a pension from his royal master."

To the authority of Mr. Adams and his cabinet, anticipated by the discussion of the present tariff before Congress, might be added that of almost every friend of the protecting policy in the United States.

On this point, therefore, the President concurs with President Adams and his cabinet, with the manufacturers themselves, and with all intelligent men.

We concur with the President in the opinion that those who dare not attempt to improve the tariff, and correct its imperfections, do injustice to the American people and to their Representatives. The people wish their Representatives to do right; nor will they consider it a sufficient excuse that they feared to do good lest evil might come. Such a plea will not be deemed very consistent with any valuable creed of political faith or code of good morals. Evil will never come out of good. The Representative who does right need not fear to meet his constituents. He only need fear and tremble, who, thinking right, seeing the evils of an existing system, and knowing it to be injurious and unjust in some of its details, shall, when called to account before his constituents, say, in his defence, I feared to trust myself and my colleagues in an attempt to do right, lest we should do wrong.

We felicitate the country that such is not the character of the President or his message. He advances boldly to During the progress of the bill in Congress, a distin- his point. He does not fear to do right, lest he may do guished friend of domestic industry from Vermont vainly wrong. Fortified by honesty of purpose and patriotic deattempted to amend it, and declared that "the manufac-votion, he has full confidence that the people will sustain ture of the coarse fabric (woollens) is ruined at a blow. him in all his efforts to reform abuses and correct errors in Just as we are about to realize what the friends of the our various systems of law and administration. He does American policy have foretold that American skill, indus- but justice to the American people when he says, "My try, and enterprise could accomplish, to make them sub-confidence is entire, that, to secure such modification of servient to some fancied benefit, we offer them up as a the tariff as the general interest requires, it is only necessacrifice to our enemies." sary that that interest should be understood."

A friend of the protecting system from Massachusetts With the President, we think it probable that the reobserved, "He was himself a wool grower, and was firmly duced price of produce, raw materials, manufactured artiof the belief that the bill was utterly destructive to that cles, and lands, is attributable, in some degree, to a reducclass of men; that it put the knife to the jugular vein of tion in the supply of the precious metals. That the proevery sheep in the country; and that its effects would be ducts of the mines in Spanish America have been less equally destructive to the interests of the manufacturers." within the last twenty years than they were in the twenty A friend to the protecting policy from Maine, speaking preceding, will not, we presume, be doubted. So far the language of many others, said, "This explains to us from diminishing, the demand for the precious metals has why it is that those very manufacturers and their agents, increased with the increase of civilized population and the who poured into the House petitions, beseeching that we extension of commerce. It was, therefore, natural that would sustain their sinking establishments, now come here their value should increase. Undoubtedly, the establishwith remonstrances, conjuring us to save them from the ment of extensive manufactories in America, and the imtender mercies of this measure. It shows us, too, why the provements in machinery, have tended to reduce the gebill is condemned by the fast friends of domestic manufac-neral price of manufactured articles; but the same cause, tures, and, among many others, by those champions of the had it operated separately, would, in this country, have American system, the veterans Niles and Carey." increased the price of lands and agricultural products. Has such been the result? No; lands and agricultural products have declined in price almost as much as manufac tured articles. The cause of this decline is not our tariff; it is something deeper and more pervading." It is diffi

"It is said that the proposed duty on coarse wool, which we now import from the Mediterranean and South America, is to benefit the agriculturist. It is certainly a great injury to the manufacturers and the consumers.