449 The Tariff--Armory on the Western Waters. [H. or R. the measure of her glory. What would be said of her Draper, Drayton, Dudley, Foster, Gaither, Gordon, Green, without these sons? She would not be conspicuous for any Hall, Hammons, Harvey, Haynes, Hinds, Holland, Hubone thing; not for her commerce, her navigation, manu- bard, Cave Johnson, Lamar, Lea, Lecompte, Lent, Lewfactures, agriculture, roads, or canals. Sir, death itself is, Loyall, Lumpkin, Martin, McCoy, McIntire, Nuckolls, does not terminate the usefulness of such men as James Patton, Pettis, Polk, Potter, Rencher, Roane, William Monroe; "from their tomb they will hold a torch to cheer B. Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Speight, Standefer, and enlighten the world; their example will animate pos- Taliaferro, Wiley Thompson, Trezvant, Tucker, Verterity; and should faction tear, or invasion approach our planck, Wayne, Weeks, Campbell P. White, Wilde, Wilcountry, their spirits will descend from divinity, and in-liams, Wingate.-73. spire tranquillity and courage." NAYS.-Messrs. Armstrong, Arnold, Bailey, Noyes Bar Let us beware how we tamper with their reputations, ber, Bates, Bockee, Boon, Borst, Brown, Burges, Butman, or sport with their rights. << What constitutes a State? "Not high raised battlements, or labored mound, "Thick wall, or moated gate; "Not cities, proud with spires and turrets crown'd- "Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride- "With powers as far above dull brutes endued, "In forest, brake, or den, "As beasts excel cold rocks, or brambles rude "Men, who their duties know, "But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain, "Prevent the long aimed blow, "And crush the tyrant, while they rend the chain- One of these is James Monroe, a citizen of Virginia. MONDAY, JANUARY 10. tures, to which had been referred a resolution, offered by Mr. HALL, from the Committee on Public ExpendiMr. CHILTON, Some days since, relative to the pay of members of Congress, reported the following joint resolution; which was read, and ordered to be printed: Cahoon, Chilton, Clark, Coleman, Condict, Cooper, Coul- So the House refused to consider the resolution. On motion of Mr. DRAYTON, the House went into Resolved, &c. That the rules of each House shall be so amended as to make it the imperative duty of the Secre-selection shall have been made, the sum of tary of the Senate, and Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of "SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That, after such a Representatives, to ascertain at the end of every session said survey, and for commencing the erection of the nedollars of Congress, from each Senator, Member, or Delegate be, and hereby is, appropriated for the expenses of the from a Territory, the number of days which he may have been absent from, and not in attendance on the business tary Affairs) said that the bill did not propose the immecessary buildings.' of the House; and, in settling the accounts of Senators, diate erection of an armory in the western section of the Mr. DRAYTON (chairman of the Committee on MiliMembers, and Delegates, there shall be deducted from country, but authorized the President of the United States the account or amount of pay for each session at the rate to select a site for such a work. Objections might be of eight dollars per day for every day any member of the made to the proposed selection; yet, when gentlemen House or delegate shall have been absent, except by or-reflected that the armories now existing were all on the der of the House to which he belongs, in consequence of sickness. eastern side of the Alleghany mountains, he was of opinion their objections would cease. Mr. TREZVANT submitted the following resolution: for the public arms of the United States; and when the In all that vast tract of country west of the mountains, there was no manufactory Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means be circumstances attending the last war were taken into coninstructed to report a bill to reduce the existing duties on sideration, gentlemen must see the necessity for passing imported goods, to take effect after the payment of the the present bill. In case of another war, it would be public debt, so as to raise a revenue adequate to the sup- found absolutely necessary to have an establishment of the port of the Government under an economical administra- kind proposed in that quarter of the Union, &c. tion of its affairs. THE TARIFF. Mr. CONDICT demanded the question of consideration; and Mr. TREZVANT called for the yeas and nays on the question. They were ordered by the House, and, being taken, stood as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Alston, Anderson, Angel, Archer, Barnwell, Baylor, Bell, James Blair, John Blair, Bouldin, Brodhead, Cambreleng, Campbell, Carson, Chandler, Claiborne, Clay, Coke, Conner, Crocheron, Crockett, Warren R. Davis, Deberry, Desha, De Witt, VOL. VII.-29 to the chairman of the Military Committee, and to the Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, said he felt much obliged deration. The first proposition for the establishment of committee itself, for reporting the bill now under consiago. The Executive Government of the country had nean armory on the Western waters, was made several years agreed on all hands. But the works had never been ver been opposed to the measure, and its utility was commenced, because the members of the House could not agree upon a suitable site. Each gentleman had a preference for his own district; and a want of unanimity as to the best site had alone prevented the action of the H. OF R.] Armory on the Western Waters. [DEC. 10, 1831. House on the subject. He had been constant in his at- the country; touching at every point, though minutely tempts to have the measure carried into execution, and examining none-and, in the end, returning with less he was free to confess his belief that his district was the accurate knowledge than that with which they set out: most central, and in that district was to be found the best for seldom, indeed, is either the President or Congress position for the contemplated work. He saw no prospect, the wiser for all their geographical flummery. I think, however, of Congress ever determining upon a suitable sir, that enough has already been appropriated and exsite, and, therefore, he was willing to trust to the Execu- pended in making surveys, to satisfy us that surveying is tive the selection of a site-not doubting that, after a becoming a trade, better calculated to advance the indicareful survey, the distinguished individual at the head of vidual interests of those engaged in it than the prosperity the Government would fix upon a suitable one. He was of the nation. The impolicy of multiplied appropriations of opinion the House would never make the selection- for improvements in the West must obviously appear from the work was absolutely necessary-and he was willing to another circumstance. It is, that we have it from the take the best course he could to ensure the erection of an highest authority that the payment of the public debt will be armory in the Western country. greatly endangered, should money be disbursed for such Mr. McCOY thought that whatever propriety there was improvements as lose their national character from the in the measure proposed, there was no necessity to make mere circumstance that they begin and end in a State. an appropriation for a survey. Some years since, an But, said Mr. C., I will now advert to the dangers to be appropriation had been made for surveys to enable the apprehended from the passage of this bill. What does Executive to fix upon a site. After much time spent in it propose, but to increase the power and patronage of making surveys of the most prominent points of the West- the Executive, in a degree, and to an extent, which must ern country, Pittsburg had been fixed on as the most surely be alarming to all, when duly considered?" That desirable site, and the operations at the proposed armory power is too great, and that patronage too extensive alwere to be effected by steam. After all the information ready. At the nod of the Executive, is it not true that that had been acquired by the commissioners who made the exile from office and station takes up the line of march? the surveys referred to, (and they had examined every Not, truly, with his musket on his shoulder, to fight the practicable site,) he was of opinion that another survey battles of his country; but with his load of poverty, and was not necessary, and hence there was no need of another perhaps unmerited disgrace, he returns to his family, alappropriation for the purpose. ready worn down with indigence and sorrow. Mr. CHILTON said, that such was the regard which Is it not true that, at his bidding, the sail unfurls to the he cherished for the opinions and wishes of his honorable ocean's breeze, and agents from abroad, like humble friend and colleague, [Mr. JOHNSON,] that it was always menials, are ordered home; while others, from better to him a source of unfeigned regret to feel himself bound fortune, and as greater favorites, are richly provided for, to stand in opposition to either. But as he and that gen- and sent abroad? Yes, sir, and what now? The President tleman represented distinct districts, each of which had must have the sum of $75,000 placed in his hands, with hitherto been urging their humble claims to a participa- authority to survey the vast valley of the Mississippition in the bounty of the Government-and that, too, in where he pleases, when he pleases, and as he pleases; immediate reference to the object contemplated by the with engineers enough spread over the country, even to bill under consideration, he hoped he should be pardoned gallop a man into the Presidency, if such aid were necesby the House for submitting a few remarks. That it is sary: and, after all, to cap the climax, he is to select the expedient, said Mr. C., to locate an armory west of the site upon his own responsibility, and all alone. This, too, Alleghany mountains, will not, I presume, be denied by with the questions of low funds on the one hand, and naany member upon this floor; nor can any one more sin- tionality on the other, staring him in the face. Surely cerely or ardently desire it than myself. I have always ad- the reflecting mind must perceive, at a glance, as well vocated the proposition, when brought before this House, the delicate situation in which the President would be as I conceived, in a proper shape. I should do the same placed, as the mischiefs which might follow so rapid an now, if that were the case. But the abstract question of increase of his authority. We should beware of power, expediency is not the only question presented by this bill; in the hands of the present Executive, as well as in the it embraces other provisions, for which I cannot vote, hands of all other Executives. They, like ourselves, are until I lose sight of the interests of my immediate consti- but men, and the wavering balance is as apt to shake in tuents; inasmuch as, in my judgment, they are pregnant their hands as in ours. I am willing, sir, that each secwith mischief and danger. Before I pass on, however, tion of the Western country present to Congress its own to speak more particularly of the defects of the bill, and peculiar claims to this location, and then to trust the decithe dangers to be apprehended from it in the event of its cision to the wisdom of this body; for I am by no means passage, I will make a single remark, to show the import-prepared to admit that the Executive, notwithstanding the ance of establishing an armory on the Western waters. exalted station which he occupies, can outweigh the If, said Mr. C., the Western frontier were invaded, so re- whole legislative councils of the country, either in intelmotely is our population situated from either the armory ligence, integrity, or disinterestedness; though I do not at Harper's ferry, or that at Springfield, that before our deny to him the possession of each. In conclusion, howforces could be supplied with arms for its defence, the ever, permit me, sir, to say, that I have another private desolating hand of war would, in all human probability, reason, which will operate upon me with considerable cause our brightest prospects to wither in its grasp; while, power, when I come to give my vote upon this bill. Let on the other hand, speedily supplied with the implements it be remembered that Kentucky, the State from which I of war from a manufactory within our own borders, we come, and which I have the honor in part to represent, should be able to meet and repel the invader at his onset. feels a deep interest in this question. She has strong But I have said, and I repeat it, though I trust with claims, and such as I hope soon to see adjusted; but respectful deference for the opinions of gentlemen who whenever I am told that the present Executive is to sit as may differ with me in opinion, that the bill is defective sole arbiter in the adjustment, I am involuntarily reminded that the principles which it contains are dangerous--and that she is now groaning under the weight of a never that, unless it be amended, it should be rejected. It is to be forgotten veto. impolitic, inasfar as it appropriates the sum of $75,000 from the treasury, for the purpose of enabling the Executive to make new surveys, or rather to have it done by a set of engineers who are to be pensioned galloppers over At the request of Mr. DRAYTON, certain documents having relation to the subject, were here read. Mr. D. then moved to fill the blank in the bill with seventy-five thousand dollars; which was agreed to. DEC. 23, 1830.] Armory on the Western Waters. [H. of R. The committee then rose, and reported the bill as measure from that quarter. He had declared his unwilamended; and the amendment was agreed to. lingness to entrust the President with the proposed selec Mr. CARSON said he felt a disposition to oblige his tion. From what had heretofore taken place, it was evifriends; and of all the committees of the House, there was dent this House would never come to an understanding none on whose report he would sooner rely without ex- on the subject. The work was admitted to be necessary, amination, if he could do so for any committee, than that and he saw no prospect of its ever being commenced unof which the gentleman from South Carolina was chair-less the power proposed by the present bill was given to man. But he could see no necessity for the erection of the President. He had every confidence in the officer referthe armory proposed; arms could be purchased much red to, and did not doubt that he would select such a site cheaper by contract than they could be made at the ar- as would be for the public good. As to what had fallen mories, and enough could be manufactured at Pittsburg to from the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. CARSON,] supply the whole Western world. At six dollars each, relative to the greater cheapness of arms furnished by the sum of $500,000 would purchase 80,000 stand of arms; contract, he pretended to no knowledge on that point. But and as steamboats were always running from that point to he would remark, that there were now two armories bethe various sections of that country, and arms could be at longing to the nation; and he presumed that, if arms could all times conveyed where wanted by these vessels, he have been had to greater advantage by private contract, should be willing to sell the armories now in existence, they would have been abolished long since. The public and give the citizens an opportunity to manufacture arms and private manufactories, he was convinced, could not, for the nation; and he had no fears that an ample supply altogether, furnish enough to supply the wants of the could not be had. The expenses of these armories were country in time of war; and he was confident, if the gen very great, consisting of the pay of artificers, the pur. tleman had been in his section of country during the last chase of materials, &c., while articles of as good manufac- war, he would have seen the necessity there was for both ture, and at a much cheaper rate, could be had of individuals. soldiers and arms. He might be incorrect in his views; but, so forcibly did the subject strike him at this time, that he should be compelled to vote against the bill. Mr. CHILTON again rose, and observed, that but for the remarks of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. IRVIN,] he should have contented hinself to have voted without Mr. DRAYTON spoke at some length in reply to Mr. adding a word to what he had said before. But, said Mr. CARSON. He thought that no public work erected was of C., my honorable friend is greatly in error, in supposing more importance than the national armories. The theory the remarks which he has attributed to me, to have fallen of the gentleman who last spoke, was plausible; but, if the from me. If that gentleman misunderstands me, the House should adopt his views of the matter, the practice House, I hope, does not; and my constituents and the counwould be found to be injurious. The Government had try, I am determined shall not. Did I say, sir, that I was two armories, which manufactured a certain number of arms every year. If individuals should establish themselves, and manufacture as good articles, and sell them at a lower price, he doubted not they would find for them a ready sale. But it was necessary that the United States should possess armories, that the nation might be supplied with arms of a good quality and uniformity of construction. Mr. D. referred to the events and the disasters of the late war. The militia could not procure arms in sufficient quantity; some were armed--some were not-some had muskets, but no bayonets--and others were, more or less, in want of complete arms. He spoke from his own observation, when he said that in many cases their arms were defective, and unfit for service-on several occasions they had burst in the hands of the soldiers while they were in the act of discharging them. Those arms turned out of the national armories were known to be good, uniform, &c. SON. Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, also replied to Mr. CARHe spoke of the great necessity there was for a manufactory of arms in the Western country, and said it was useless to dwell upon the importance of having at all times ready a plentiful supply of arms. He stated a number of accidents that had occurred during the late war, from the use of arms of an inferior quality, and remarked on the great advantages that resulted from the establishment of armories of a national character. He spoke of the plan at present pursued at those institutions. The arms were all of a uniform make; so much so, that they might all be taken to pieces, and the parts thrown promiscuously together to the filling of a large room, and yet there would not be the least difficulty in putting them together. There were now two armories--suppose a third should go into operation--three would not be too many for a state of peace; but, in case of war, how great the necessity for the erection of that now contemplated--it would be found that the three would not supply arms fast enough for the wants of the country. Mr. IRVIN, of Ohio, commented upon what had fallen from the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. CHILTON,] and said he had not anticipated opposition to the proposed opposed to the location of an armory in the West? No, sir; I said the very reverse-I said I was decidedly friendly to the object, but had no confidence in the means by which it was proposed to be obtained; and that the gentleman should so widely have mistaken me, is a matter of surprise. The only difference between us consists in this, that he is willing to appropriate, while I am not he is willing to submit the whole destinies of the West, so far as relates to this matter at least, to the final arbitrament of the President, while I am not. He seems to think the Executive the safest repository of this power, while I freely admit I do not-I cannot. The gentleman has almost exhausted our language in seeking for epithets sufficiently strong to express his confidence in the Execu tive, for which I certainly would not censure him; but he will not be surprised when I assure him that I had hitherto supposed his confidence to be just about as strong as my own. Whether, however, his confidence be great or small, of one thing I am sure: it is, that the friends of the bill should expect but little aid from a vetoed State; for as well might her hopes, in relation to this matter, wither and fall victims to the veto policy, as in a late and very memorable instance, to which I have alluded. I have only to ask of the House, that when the question be taken, it be taken by yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered by the House; but, before the question was put, a motion for adjournment was made; and The House adjourned. TUESDAY, JANUARY 11. On motion of Mr. DRAYTON, it was Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to communicate to this House whether the existing laws do not provide for a greater number of cadets at the United States' Military Academy, than is consistent with the objects for which it was established; and, if so, that he do report a plan and organization for that academy, corresponding with the alterations and reductions which may be deemed expedient, H. OF R.] Duty on Sugar. [JAN. 11, 1831. Mr. WICKLIFFE, from the Committee on the Public time, the House and the world would see the nature and Lands, reported a bill "to authorize the President of the character of the resolution, in favor of which they refused United States to change the location of the land offices to hear a single word. in the United States." The bill was read twice, and Mr. W. explained the object of the committee in reporting it; he hoped it would be ordered to be engrossed to-day for a third reading to-morrow. Mr. HAYNES, of Georgia, submitted the following resolution; and remarked, on offering it, that, as the subject of it was interesting to every part of the community, he hoped it would not be denied the courtesy of a consideration. Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means be instructed to inquire into the expediency of reducing the duty on brown sugar imported into the United States from foreign countries. Mr. RAMSEY inquired if a similar resolution had not already been offered at the present session. The SPEAKER replied, that there had been so many resolutions offered, he could not take it upon himself to answer the question. Mr. CONDICT demanded the question of consideration. Mr. HAYNES asked if he could have an opportunity to modify the resolution, before the question of consideration was put. The SPEAKER answered in the affirmative. Mr. HAYNES then modified his motion, to read as follows: Mr. DENNY renewed the demand for the question of consideration. Mr. CAMBRELENG called for the yeas and nays on the question, and they were ordered by the House. Being taken, they stood as follows: YEAS.--Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Alston, Anderson, Angel, Archer, Armstrong, John S. Barbour, Barnwell, Barringer, Baylor, Bell, James Blair, John Blair, Boon, Borst, Brodhead, Brown, Cambreleng, Campbell, Chandler, Claiborne, Clay, Coke, Conner, Craig, Crockett, Crocheron, Davenport, W. R. Davis, Deberry, Desha, De Witt, Draper, Drayton, Dudley, Earll, Foster, Gaither, Gordon, Hall, Halsey, Hammons, Harvey, Haynes, Hinds, Holland, Hoffman, Hubbard, Jarvis, Jennings, Cave Johnson, Perkins King, Lamar, Lea, Lecompte, Lent, Lewis, Loyall, Lumpkin, Martin, Thomas Maxwell, McCoy, McDuffie, McIntire, Mercer, Mitchell, Monell, Nuckolls, Patton, Polk, Potter, Rencher, Roane, Wm. B. Shepard, Aug. H. Shepperd, Speight, Sprigg, Standefer, Wiley Thompson, Trezvant, Tucker, Verplanck, Wayne, Weeks, C. P. White, Wilde, Williams, Wilson.--89. NAYS.--Messrs. Arnold, Bailey, Noyes Barber, Bates, Bockee, Burges, Butman, Cahoon, Chilton, Clark, Condict, Cooper, Cowles, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, Daniel, Denny, Duncan, Eager, Ellsworth, George Evans, Edward Everett, Findlay, Finch, Gilmore, Gorham, Green, Grennell, Gurley, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges, Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, Thomas Irwin, W. W. Irvin, Johns, Richard M. Johnson, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Adam King, Leavitt, Leiper, Letcher, Lyon, Magee, Mallary, Marr, Martindale, Lewis Maxwell, McCreery, Muhlenberg, Overton, Pearce, Pierson, Ramsey, Reed, Richardson, Rose, Russel, Sanford, Scott, Sill, Smith, Stanbery, Sterigere, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Taylor, Test, John Thomson, Tracy, Vinton, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Yancey, Young--85. Whereas, without a considerable diminution of revenue, the public debt will, in a very few years, be redeemed and discharged: And whereas the end of republican government is the prosperity and happiness of the people: And So the House determined to consider the resolution. whereas this end cannot be more certainly promoted than Mr. HAYNES then rose, and said he was glad, notwithby a system of taxation which shall leave the largest por-standing the rule which, however wisely adopted, was in tion of the products of labor in the pockets of the people: its operation so well calculated to abridge the liberty of And whereas the necessaries of life should, as far as prac- speech, that the House had extended to the resolution ticable, be exempted from taxation: And whereas brown just offered the courtesy of consideration. He was wilsugar has become an article of great and necessary con- ling to have rested the subject solely upon the resolution sumption among all classes: And whereas the present first offered, and, but for the apprehension of a refusal to duty on that article, imported from foreign countries, consider it, should not have modified it by the addition of bears an unjust and extravagant proportion to the original the preamble. But, as the House had, somewhat unexcost in foreign markets: And whereas there is good pectedly, afforded him the opportunity of presenting a reason to believe that the tax collected by the Govern- few observations to its attention, he would not permit that ment, upon its importation, amounting to one million four opportunity to pass away wholly unimproved by him. hundred and thirty-four thousand nine hundred and sixty- When he had the honor to bring this subject to the conone dollars and eleven cents, is less than half the sum sideration of the House at an early day of the present taken from the pockets of the people under the operation session, he had extended his proposition to the whole of the existing duty, the quantity manufactured in the class of sugars, because, whether they had been imposed United States within the year 1830 having been estimat- for the purpose of revenue or protection, he thought the ed at one hundred thousand hogsheads, equal to one hundred millions of pounds, at three cents per pound, protecting duty equal to three millions of dollars- Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means be instructed to inquire into the expediency of reducing the duty on brown sugar imported into the United States from foreign countries. On this resolution Mr. CONDICT demanded the question of consideration. Mr. MARTIN said, if the gentleman from New Jersey, and others who sustained the tariff policy, were determined to prevent the consideration of this subject, he would suggest that their object could be effected by moving to lay the resolution on the table, and printing it. That motion would prevent discussion, while, at the same time had arrived when the duties ought to be entirely abolished. But, in introducing the subject thus broadly, he did not consider that the Committee of Ways and Means would be necessarily restricted in their inquiry to the mere question of repeal; but if, in their wisdom, it should be determined that a partial reduction of the duties was all the exigencies of the country would permit, they would be authorized to go so far, and no farther. For his part, he had formerly believed, he now believed, and ever should believe, that the true end of Government was the happiness and prosperity of the people; and for the furtherance of this end, it was essential that the necessaries of life should be subjected to the smallest amount of taxation which the public exigencies would permit. JAN. 11, 1831.] Duty on Sugar. 458 [H. of R. Whatever might have been the original use of the arti-imported into England, in the former year, was seventycle of sugar-if it was first a medicine, and then a luxu- three shillings and four pence one farthing the hundred ry--it had become an article of essential necessity, as weight, and, in the latter year, but thirty-one shillings and was proven by the estimated consumption of the present one farthing. Surely this could not be ascribed to its year, at one hundred and fifty millions of pounds. Nor manufacture here. Nor does it appear that the price of in this character is its use confined to any particular or either year depended upon a stinted supply in the one, or favored class of the community, but runs through every an excessive importation in the other, as a considerable degree and condition in life. Nor is it any answer to surplus was exported in each. this assertion to say, that some twenty-five or thirty thousand dollars of revenue has been derived from their con- during the discussion of the East India sugar duty in the And here he would repeat, substantially, what was said sumption within the years 1815 to 1829, inclusive. And House of Commons, in 1823, by the late Mr. Huskisson, here he would remark, that, notwithstanding the laws of one of the most able and practical statesmen England has the country are accessible to all, it is important that the ever produced, and whose death may well be lamented public mind should be enlightened upon the existing tax in that country as a great public calamity, that, whenever on sugar. But, before proceeding further with the sub- there is an excess of import over consumption, the price ell be la ject, he would beg leave to remark, that how much so- of the article must be regulated by the markets of the ever gentlemen might sneer at the proposition, that, under world. our system of revenue, the taxes are paid by the pro- did not require the aid of illustration or argument from He said, that a proposition of such obvious truth ducers, no proposition was, to his mind, more clear and him. undeniable, as consumption must necessarily be regulated ence on the price of the article, but the French market Not only had the British market exercised an influby production. By an examination of the tariff of 1816, also. and reference to the annual reports from the Treasury nitely as to the price in France, as he had done of EngAnd here he was not prepared to speak so defiDepartment upon the commerce and navigation of the land. Nor was it important for him to do so, as the inUnited States, since that period, it would be found that fluence exercised by the French market on the price of the duties imposed upon the import of lump and refined sugar originated principally from the partial exclusion of sugars and sugar candy had amounted to prohibition; the article. It must be well known to every member of thus effectually depriving the consumer of any choice this House, that, during the wars of the French revoluwhatsoever between the foreign and domestic articles. tion, the sugar colonies of France were cut off from the Nor is this all; for inasmuch as the consumption of brown sugar among the poorer classes is much greater in proportion to their means than among the wealthy, the tax falls most heavily on those who are least able to bear it. And here he would take the occasion to remark, that, although he still entertained the opinion, under the influence of which his resolution of the 13th of December was offered, the advice of friends, and the hope of a more favorable consideration, had induced him to narrow that resolution to its present shape. repeal or reduction of taxes? Not the receiver, but the But who seeks for the payer of taxes. mother country, and that although the commerce between those colonies and the mother country entered for several years very largely into the American carrying trade, yet the interpolations of national law, brought to operate upon neutrals by the principal belligerents, at length destroyed that trade entirely. Accustomed to the use of sugar, the French people were not willing to forego this necessary article of consumption, and their ingenuity soon furnished a substitute in the sugar extracted tion of sugar from it, had grown to such an extent before from the beet. The culture of the beet, and the extracHe regretted that he had no specific information as to vernment imposed a high duty on foreign sugar for the the general pacification of Europe in 1815, that the Gothe price of sugar in foreign countries when the tariff of protection of the domestic. This system had not been 1794 was imposed. But, if he had been correctly in- abandoned since the recovery of the French sugar coloformed, the foreign cost of brown sugar imported into nies in the West Indies. this country at that period was not less than eight to ten considerable portion of the sugar manufactured in those cents per pound. If this be true, it is the obvious infer- colonies was necessarily thrown upon the great market of Thus it was probable that a ence that Government did not then intend, by a tariff of the world. He said, if the facts and inferences upon which two cents per pound, to impose a duty which should ope- he had thrown himself, were true, and he did not think rate as more than twenty or twenty-five per cent. ad va. they could be successfully controverted, the price of sugar lorem on the original cost of the article. But, as the arising from its manufacture in this country, so far from foreign cost has considerably declined since that period, regulating, had been regulated by the markets of the thereby increasing the relation of the duty to such cost, world. But, before dismissing this branch of the subject, if the duty of 1794 had not been increased by the act of he would observe, that the price of sugar in the English 1816, it would now operate at the rate of forty to fifty market could not have been influenced by any variation of or sixty per cent. ad valorem on the original foreign cost. the duty, as that fluctuated between twenty-seven and thirty But, by raising the duty, in 1816, to three cents per pound shillings the hundred weight, making a difference of but on brown sugar, its ad valorem operation is till greater, three shillings the hundred weight between any two years being not less than one hundred per cent. In the dis- of the period to which he had referred. Nor can it be cussion of this subject, we might be told that the ave-doubted that the high duty in Great Britain considerably rage price of sugar had declined in consequence of its lessens the amount of sugar consumed there, and particumanufacture in this country, and, therefore, sound policy larly in Scotland and Ireland, thus leaving a much larger requires the continuance of the present duty. If gen- quantity for the supply of other markets, and consetlemen would take the trouble to inform themselves on quently lowering its price in those markets. But we this subject, he was satisfied they would find that such might derive instruction on this subject, by a reference an assertion was wholly without foundation. For his part, to the treasury reports upon the commerce and navihe had been at some pains to obtain information, the result gation of this country from 1821 to 1829, inclusive. of which was, that the price of sugar imported into Eng-During that whole period, it would be found that the land, from the year 1814 to 1823, inclusive, had under- foreign cost of brown sugar imported into the United gone an astonishing diminution, no part of which could States had not varied more than about half a cent per be ascribed to its manufacture in this country. By a re- pound, and that not by a uniformly declining price. Nor ference to a statistical work on the population and resources of Great Britain, which he had examined, it would be found that the average price of brown sugar will it fail to be observed, upon an examination of the reports referred to, that the importation of brown sugar paying duty, was greater in 1829 than in 1821, and not |