JAN. 7, 1831.] Claim of James Monroe. [H. OF R. pel him to speak. But we have his own authority for say-spondence with the Governments to which they were acing the accounting officers of the treasury did remedy credited. Not so with Mr. Monroe, who, while he was the mistake as soon as it was known to them. On detained, led the life of a private gentleman; that is, as far page eleven of the documents communicated to Con- as his public functions were concerned: he entertained no gress in 1825, Mr. Monroe says, in a note: "It is proper correspondence with the Government of France; he was to add, here, that that error was then corrected, that is, absolutely forbidden to do so. Yet, notwithstanding the in 1817, and the allowance was then made to me for the inadmissibility of this claim, according to any previous law interval between the 6th of December, 1796, and the 1st or usage, Congress, in 1826, influenced by a spirit of geneof January, 1797." rosity towards Mr. Monroe, passed an act granting it to I have looked through the documents, hastily, it is true, him to the amount of two thousand seven hundred and but with some attention, and I have not seen that the ac-fifty dollars, with interest on the same from 1810 up to the counting officers received any information from Mr. Mon- time of payment. roe, which would enable them to correct the error, prior Another subject of complaint is, that the contingent exto 1817. If any injury has resulted to him, it was the di-penses of the first mission to France were not paid. But rect and necessary consequence of his own act. He alone here again it may be asked, who was to blame for that? was the cause of it, and he alone must bear it. He can- In the account presented by Mr. Dawson, the whole charge not and should not claim the right to devolve any respon for contingencies was then paid. If any other or greater sibility upon the Government, which was ready and will- account existed at that time, it was known only to Mr. ing at all times to do him justice. Monroe, and, as he failed to produce it, the fault was his The second difficulty growing out of the first mission own. The Government could not be required, by any to France, and of which Mr. Monroe greatly complained, principle, to settle an account of which it had no knowwas this: It appears, as above stated, that he received his ledge. It seems to be supposed, however, that a greater letter of recall on the 6th of December, 1796, but he did charge was made, but payment was refused, because renot obtain his audience of leave till the 1st of January, gular vouchers were not produced. This, I contend, was 1797. Instead of returning home immediately, he thought perfectly right and proper. Every officer is presumed to proper to remain in France till the 20th of April, 1797, know the laws and usages of the country which employs and for this delay he raised an account, and demanded him; and there is an implied consent on his part that he from Government pay for nearly four months of addi-will strictly conform to those laws and usages, whatever tional service. But had he a right to do this, or was Go- they may be. The rules and regulations which govern vernment bound to acknowledge any such obligation? the settlement of accounts at the departments, require Certainly not. By order of the President of the United that proper vouchers should be produced in all cases where States, his diplomatic functions ceased on the 1st of Jan- it is practicable; that, if this cannot be done, there should uary. He was bound to obey that order, and could not at least be a detailed statement, showing the items of exprolong the term of service beyond the period fixed by penses, and the nature of the service they were intended his Government. As a minister, no intercourse with to promote. No right to reimbursement for contingent France was entertained by him subsequently to this time, expense can attach to any officer who does not comply and the United States derived not a single advantage from with those regulations. Not to comply is a forfeiture on his delay in returning home. It must then be considered his part of all claim to remuneration, and puts it in the as a measure adopted by Mr. Monroe, from a regard to power of Government either to pay or not, at its own dishis own private convenience or personal accommodation, cretion. Before Mr. Monroe could rightfully demand paywith which the public had nothing to do. ment for his contingent expenses, he should have pro In support of this item, it has been said he could not re-duced the vouchers, or made out a detailed statement, for turn home at this inclement season of the year. But we in no other way can the Government maintain any sort know vessels now sail at all times, and that recently, of control over the disbursements of its officers. Such within the last month, there have been numerous arrivals vigilance in settling accounts must always be exercised as from Europe. As to the difficulties growing out of the a matter of right, and of useful necessary policy, not to be war, or the blockade of the French coast, I am inclined dispensed with. But here again the lenity and generous to think they existed more in imagination than in fact. indulgence extended to Mr. Monroe are rendered conFrom no part of the evidence adduced, can I discover that spicuous. In 1826, Congress allowed him, under the head he ever made one effort to obtain a passage between the of contingent expenses, in the first mission to France, 1st of January and 20th of April, 1797; on the contrary, one thousand four hundred and ninety-five dollars and in the documents submitted to the committee in 1825, eighty-five cents over and above the first payment of one page 4, he says: "I believe the fact to be, that, had I been hundred and ten dollars, to which alone he was justly enwilling to have encountered a winter's passage with my fa- titled by any previous law or usages applicable to his case. mily, I could not have procured a vessel to bring us home." This allowance also drew interest from 1810 till the time This I take to be a virtual admission of the fact that no of payment. effort was made to obtain a passage. Then all the reasons We come next, said Mr. W., to the second mission to assigned for the delay, such as the war in Europe, the dis- Europe, commencing on the 12th of January, 1803, and turbed state of our commerce, the blockade of the French ending on the 15th of November, 1807. At the time the coast, &c. &c. amount to nothing; for, let those difficul-appointment was made, Mr. Jefferson informed Mr. Monties be what they might, no attempt to surmount or over roe that he should go out as envoy extraordinary and come them appears to have been made; and the detention minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain; that he would must be regarded as his own voluntary act. also receive a commission as special minister to France Under these circumstances, when the charge of deten- and Spain; that the salary and outfit would be paid him tion from the 1st of January to the 20th of April was pre-only on account of the general mission to England; and sented, what was the duty of the accounting officers of that, while performing the duties of a special mission, his the Treasury Department? Could they allow it, or were expenses only should be allowed. This, then, was the they bound to reject it? I answer, they were bound to re-contract: it was the understanding of the parties at the ject it. There was no law or usage to justify such an al-time, and must be taken as the law of the case. lowance. In the cases of the other ministers, which have In order to bring the subject more distinctly to view, been relied on as precedents to support this charge, it let us for a moment examine the items of the account, as will be found that they were engaged in public business; settled at the State Department, by Robert Smith, Secrethat they were employed during their detention in corre-tary, on the 5th of May, 1810. H. OF R.] Claim of James Monroe. The United States to James Monroe, Dr. 3. To outfit as minister to England 5. Salary as minister, while employed in 6. Expenses incurred in a special mission to Spain, beginning 8th October, 1804, and ending on the 17th July, 1805, including salary to secretary, with allowance for his coming from the United States to London, and following me to Madrid, and returning to the United States 7. Extraordinary expenses of the mission to Spain, not included in the preceding item, ᏙᎥᏃ . At Paris, on my way to Madrid, 4,159 livres. Equal to 650 4,809 55 At Madrid, (Aranjuez,) and on the road 256 8. Extraordinary expenses attending my detention in England, on my return from Spain, after receiving permission of Government to return to the United States by the seizure of our vessels and the negotiations which ensued. 9. To a quarter's salary for returning home, 10. To amount paid Benjamin, the Jew, on account of the Tunisian ambassador, 200 pounds sterling 11. To amount paid Charles Brenton for expenses of himself and others attending the trial of Captain Whitby [JAN. 7, 1831. He alone knew what these extraordinary expenses were, $9,000 00 and it was his duty to ascertain and state them. No officer of Government could be required to guess at the amount, and to pay him according to that uncertain, whimsical mode of doing business. But, sir, if the charge had been rendered in due form, the treasury officers ought not to have paid it, because it would have been doing an act wholly illegal and unauthorized. Let it be remembered, that there were distinct and separate items in the account for 546 66 every other expense which it had been usual for the Go9,000 00 vernment to allow. This charge for extraordinary expense was equivalent to a direct and positive increase of salary, which no Executive officer, I hope, will ever deem himself competent to grant. Congress alone could do it; 5,539 00 and Mr. Monroe ought not to think himself injured because the accounting officers refused to exercise a power which did not belong to them. The committee, in 1826, fixed this allowance at ten thousand dollars, which made the salary about thirteen thousand dollars per annum, in43,598 63 stead of nine thousand, as prescribed by law. Now, I ask whether any power in this nation, except the legislative, could or should be competent so to enlarge the salaries of our public ministers? Unquestionably not. A discretionary power to that extent would be formidable indeed, and ought not to be confided to any set of accounting officers. And yet, because they did not assume a power which Con10,598 28 gress alone can exercise; because they did not ascertain the amount to be paid, when Mr. Monroe ought himself to have defined the charge; some profess to think he was greatly injured, and must be allowed to claim damages. Sir, I cannot subscribe to such an opinion. The amount paid to J. Hicks for demurrage, forms another subject of complaint in the second mission. In the documents, page 4, Mr. Monroe informs us that "this item 1,146 55 was casually omitted in the settlement." Here, then, it appears, as in the instances before mentioned, that the error was committed by himself. Congress, however, in 1826 allowed this item, and interest upon it from 1810 to the time it was paid. A further and more conclusive evidence of the liberality of Government towards Mr. Monroe, is the payment to 2,250 00 him of interest on all claims which either Congress or the accounting officers thought admissible, according to any rule which had ever been practised. The general rule is, 888 88 that Government does not pay interest, and yet, in his case, there was a relaxation of the rule, which shows he has been an object of great and peculiar favor. Where 400 00 the items were allowable, he has failed to produce them, and thus put it out of the power of Government to settle $82,963 00 them; where they were not allowable, but required the intervention of a law to direct their payment, we see that Here we see, sir, notwithstanding Mr. Monroe was told he kept them back, and declined, or positively refused, he should be paid only his expenses on the special mission to present them. Yet, in all these instances, Congress, to France, that an outfit was allowed him of nine thou-with a spirit of indulgent generosity, has paid both the sand dollars, and an additional charge for contingencies principal and interest, in the manner I have detailed. of five hundred and forty-six dollars and sixty-six cents. I have said Government does not pay interest on claims. For the special mission to Spain, he appears to have been Why should it be so Because Government is a moral satisfied with his expenses; and well he might: because that person, always ready and willing to pay its debts. If any charge, with another, on account of the extraordinary ex- citizen is delayed in the payment of his claim, it is because penses, formed an aggregate of eleven thousand seven hun- he does not produce it, or does not offer the requisite evidred and forty-four dollars and eighty-three cents, which dence to sustain it. The fault, then, is his own, and he was a good deal better than a simple outfit of nine thou- should not be permitted to take advantage of it, and mulct sand dollars. Why a different rule was adopted in these the Government in damages. If such were the case, intwo cases, I am unable to perceive, unless we suppose dividuals who have claims would never bring them forthat in the mission to France it was better for Mr. Monroe ward, because they would constitute a valuable kind of to receive an outfit, and in the mission to Spain to charge stock, if permitted to draw interest while they had been for his expenses. If such was the fact, it is another proof reserved, or kept back in the hands of claimants. The of the great liberality with which the Government has principles which require the payment of interest between always been disposed to treat him. He complains that the man and man, in private life, do not apply at all to the reninth item, being for extraordinary expenses incurred by lation which exists between the Government and its citidetention in England, was not paid him at the settlement zens. Government delights in doing good: it has no spirit in 1810. But he himself had not then fixed the amount; of selfishness; it has no use for money but to pay its debts; the charge is not run out with any amount--it is a blank. it enters not into traffic or speculation of any kind. But 433 434 JAN. 7, 1831.] Claim of James Monroe. [H. OF R. between man and man this is not the case; there is a spirit pendence. But the same circumstances, the same urgent of selfishness, traffic, and speculation carried on; the pay-necessity, did not exist when Mr. Monroe was minister in ment of debts is withheld, in order to use the money in France. some other way, and hence it is right to charge interest. would have been impolitic. Our Government would not Besides the want of authority, the purchase If, therefore, the claims of Mr. Monroe had been just and confine their ministers in St. Petersburg, Paris, or Lonproper-had he brought them forward in due season, and don, to a residence at one particular spot, any more than sustained them by the requisite proof, they would have they would compel the officers at home to live in one parbeen promptly paid. At that time, I mean in Mr. Jeffer- ticular street or house in the city of Washington. What son's administration, from 1803 to 1807, there was a re- would suit one might not suit another, and hence it must dundancy of money in the treasury, and we were as much be left to the discretion of each individual to select for puzzled to find out ways and means to get clear of the himself. If Mr. Rives were now to buy a house in Paris, surplus as we are at the present day. the documents, that he reserved or held back these claims speculation, should either of these be permitted to throw But he tells us, in or Mr. McLane in London, and were to lose money in the till a more suitable time to present them; in other words, the loss on his Government? No one, I presume, will as I understand it, till he should be out of office. Pleasanton, the Fifth Auditor, also gives the same reason. right to do it as Mr. Monroe had in 1794. Mr. contend that he ought, and yet he has exactly the same Now if these claims were not paid because Mr. Monroe was in office, is it right he should be allowed interest on to call the attention of the House, is number ten of the Another item of the new account, to which I beg leave that account? The United States did him a favor by keep-report of the committee, made at the last session. It will ing him in office, and now, forsooth, we are called upon, be observed that number nine is an allowance of interest as a wrongdoer, to pay interest. office, if, in fact, it prevented the settlement of his claims, 1803, to May, 1810, three thousand nine hundred and fifThe continuance in" on outfit of second mission to France, from January, must be regarded as his own act; otherwise you place the teen dollars." Government in the awkward predicament of being obliged going sum from May, 1810, to March, 1829, four thouThe tenth item is for interest on the foreto pay interest on damages, because they had previously sand four hundred and twenty-three dollars and ninety-five done him a favor by keeping him in office. In no event, cents. therefore, as I can perceive, ought interest to have been even between individuals, where compound interest was Now, sir, I have never before known any case, allowed. The whole amount paid him in 1810, and by the required to be paid, and least of all should it be required act of 1826, in principal and interest, on account of this of the Government. second mission, embracing a period of four years ten months and four days, is about one hundred and five thou-been struck out by the committee, and he had so stated [Mr. MERCER explained: He said the tenth item had sand dollars. Gentlemen will not, they cannot now say in the remarks submitted to the House.] that Government has dealt with a sparing, niggardly hand. But the bill before us proposes to do a great deal more, and to allow him sixty-seven thousand nine hundred and eighty dollars and ninety-six cents, in addition to what he has already received. House was great, and, although he had endeavored to The first item I shall notice in this new account, is the charge for the purchase of a house in Paris, during the first mission to France, stated at ten thousand dollars. He was not authorized to make the purchase, and the United States have derived no benefit from it; and this, to my mind, is a sufficient objection to the claim. If, as is al. be superfluous. leged, the house was purchased by him for the Government, did he also sell it for the same purpose? No; he within the range of the objections already stated, I will As the other items in the new account fall generally sold it for himself, and put the money in his own pocket-proceed, said Mr. W., to notice the charge made for comconsequently, he purchased for himself. Had he purchas-missions on the money borrowed during the late war. This ed for the United States, he would have been prohibited amounted to thirty-seven thousand twenty-eight dollars from selling without permission; and whatever obligation and ninety-three cents ($37,028 93;) and he was wholly was imposed on the Government by the purchase, was re- at a loss to perceive how the Government was so benefitleased by the sale. The whole affair, then, from begin-ed by the transaction as to throw upon it an obligation to ning to end, was a private transaction, and Mr. Monroe, pay that sum to Mr. Monroe, who, at the time, was an according to every principle, must bear the loss. the testimony of one of the witnesses, whose name I do to exert all his influence to accomplish the objects the naFrom executive officer of the United States, and, as such, bound not now recollect, it appears that an extravagant price tion had in view. If he interposed his personal responsiwas given for the house. He states that the same proper- bility, and thereby conferred a benefit upon the country, ty had been offered to him, but he would not buy it, be- I agree fully that Government ought to save him from cause he could purchase other property of the same kind any ultimate loss. on better terms. Had Mr. Monroe designed to benefit been the case: on the contrary, he has not lost a cent by But I do not understand this to have the Government in this way, he should have known that the liability he assumed to obtain money, either from the he was making a good bargain; that he was purchasing on banks or individuals. In that respect, he is perfectly safe the cheapest possible terms. be a great objection to the course pursued, and conse- and I repeat that he was bound to exert all his official Not having done so, would and sound-free from all detriment or injury whatsoever; quently the claim he makes, in the absence of every other influence to further the objects the country had in view. reason. The purchase by the United States of a house at With that influence the Government had clothed him, to the Hague affords no excuse or precedent for Mr. Mon- be exerted for that particular purpose; and, if he had not roe in this instance. As well as I recollect, the house at the done so, he would have failed to perform his duty-he Hague was bought during the revolution, and by the au- would have betrayed the public confidence. But who ever thority of the United States. They then believed it would thought that because he acted the part of a vigilant, faithbe politic to have something like a permanent foothold in ful public functionary, he would be entitled to more comHolland, which was disposed to be friendly to us in that pensation than the salary allowed him by law? In fact day of trouble, and from whence we expected to draw our and in truth, the salary ought to have been withheld from greatest supplies of money to carry on the war for inde- him, if he had not exerted all his faculties, both political VOL. VII.-28 H. OF R.] Claim of James Monroe. [JAN. 7, 1831. and physical, to advance the cause of his country--of that the report of the committee, or any other document I have country which had confided in him, and promoted him had an opportunity to examine, except in the message of to office, in order to be benefited by his entire devotion the President. It is, then, a fair inference to assert that, to the public interest. in making the allowance upon that principle, he entirely The allowance made to Daniel D. Tompkins is pleaded mistook the laws, and the extent of the authority with as a precedent, but I do not think the cases are analogous, which he had been invested. As great as is the differand certain I am Congress never intended by that exam-ence between receipts and expenditures, so widely did the ple to sanction any such claim as the present one. To President misjudge his powers, and misinterpret the debring this subject more distinctly before the House, I must signs of Congress. When, therefore, you tell me Mr. refer to the law passed in February, 1823, for the relief Monroe must be paid according to the rule adopted in the of Daniel D. Tompkins, and some other documents con-case of Governor Tompkins, and be allowed a commission nected therewith. It will be found in the seventh volume on the loans obtained, I answer, no. The cases are not of the Laws of the United States, page 331, and, being analogous. If Governor Tompkins was allowed a comvery short, I will read it, as follows: "Be it enacted by mission on receipts, it was because the law was misunderthe Senate and House of Representatives of the United States stood, and consequently misapplied. of America in Congress assembled, That the proper accounting officers of the treasury be, and they are hereby, authorized to adjust and settle the claims of Daniel D. Tompkins, late Governor of the State of New York, on principles of equity and justice, subject to the revision and final decision of the President of the United States." But if Congress had intended to allow a reasonable commission to Governor Tompkins on the sum obtained, still it would not follow that Mr. Monroe should have the same allowance. The latter was in the cabinet: he was a high officer in the civil department of the Government, and bound to act as he did: whereas the former was not so engaged. This difference in the situation of the two persons would manifestly sanction an allowance to the one, and a rejection of the claims of the other. Now, sir, what are we to understand as the true import and meaning of a law which directs the settlement of an account upon principles of equity and justice? Such a law relates only to the proof, to the degree of evidence I have, sir, thus concluded an examination of the seve which shall be received at the department, and not to the ral items constituting the demand against the United States; claims or the items composing the account. If the party and, in no instance, have I discovered that it is well foundcan adduce no evidence of higher dignity, he is at liberty ed. On the contrary, it appears to me wholly unsupportto resort to his own oath, but he is not permitted to make ed by the laws and usages of the Government, in all analoany unusual, extraordinary, or unlawful demand upon the gous cases; and that to pass the bill would, in effect, be Government. Finding this to be the case, it seems resort a gift or gratuity bestowed upon Mr. Monroe. Are we was had by the accounting officers, or by the President, prepared to make a similar grant to every other individual who supervised and controlled them, to the report of the who may be disposed to ask for it? If we are not, then I committee to ascertain the true extent and meaning of the contend we should not make it to him; because that prinlaw. Whether this was right or wrong, it is not necessa-ciple of equality, to which I have alluded as the essence ry now to inquire. The committee, after stating the facts, of our whole political system, utterly forbids it. No man, and assigning a variety of reasons, come to four distinct or set of men, should be entitled to separate or exclusive and separate resolutions, to the second of which I beg privileges or emoluments. What is granted to one as a leave to call the attention of the House, in the following matter of right or of favor, should be granted to all; otherwords, viz. "That it would be just and equitable to allow wise the course of legislation will be at war with the naa reasonable commission on all moneys disbursed by him ture and spirit of our republican institutions. The prece(Governor Tompkins) during the late war." The mean- dent proposed to be established in this case is dangerous, ing of the committee in this resolution cannot be mistaken. and the more so, because the individual favored by it has They evidently intend, and so express it, that Governor been eminently distinguished among his fellow-citizens. Tompkins shall be allowed a reasonable commission on all It is always in behalf of such characters that pernicious moneys disbursed or paid out by him, and not on the mo- examples are set. An obscure, private individual could not neys received or loans negotiated by him. The disburse-command influence enough to carry through this House ments is one thing, and the receipts another; and it never measures which are inexpedient, impolitic, or forbidden entered into the mind of the committee to believe for one by the genius of our system of Government. A bad or ill moment that Governor Tompkins had better credit, or advised measure, in the case of distinguished persons, will could obtain money on more reasonable terms, than the always be more known, and, of course, the evil consewhole nation. But it was known that he acted as a sort quences resulting from it will be more widely diffused. of paymaster general to all the troops in the State of New In this respect, also, the precedent is more dangerous. York; and for this kind of service, which he was capable The gentleman from New York [Mr. CAMBRELENG] of performing, and which he did perform, the committee says the eyes of the world are upon us; that we should intended to remunerate him by allowing a reasonable com- make the appropriation to avoid the reproach which will mission. The whole reasoning of the committee, and the be cast upon us if the claim be rejected. But, sir, shall resolutions they reported, show that this, and this only, was we be required to abandon our principles because the eyes the idea intended to be conveyed. But what says Mr. Mon- of the world are upon us? No, certainly not. But, on roe in his message on the 28th of April, 1824, informing Congress that the accounts of Governor Tompkins had been settled? In the Journal of the House of Representatives, page 464, he says: "On the second head, that of a reasonable commission for his disbursements during the late war, I have allowed him five per cent. on the whole sum disbursed by him, amounting to ninety-two thousand two hundred and thirteen dollars and thirteen cents. I have made him this extra allowance, in consideration of the aid which he afforded to the Government at that important epoch in obtaining the loan of a considerable part of the sum thus disbursed." Here the idea of allowing a commission on money borrowed or loans obtained is introduced for the first time. It is not to be seen in the law itself, those portentous signs--those threatening indications wit the contrary, we should, for that very reason, be the more determined to support them. Foreigners reproach us for many things: for our republican Government; for the economy with which it is administered; for the plainness and general frugality of our people. But shall we, on that account, change our Government, and establish monarchy? Shall we introduce extravagance into the administration of public affairs, or wasteful profusion of expenditure into the pursuits of private life? No doubt, foreigners would gladly see us imitating them in these respects; for then they would think we had become converts to their systems, and the example we have been professing to hold out to the world no longer dangerous to them. Whence JAN. 7, 1831.] Claim of James Monroe. [H. OF R. nessed at this moment, throughout the European world? barrassed in his old age, Government will sustain and supIs it not that the people are about to commence à strug-port him. Such must be the calculation of every one who gle for their rights; that they are willing to encounter all takes an office, and has a disposition to expend more money the perils of revolution, in order to redress the wrongs and than the salary allowed by law. The country has granted correct the evils of legislation as it has existed among them? to Mr. Monroe all the honors and emoluments which could With them, legislation has been for the benefit of the few, be bestowed upon him. He has sought every thing, and to the prejudice of the many; and at the moment when, by has in fact obtained every thing. I, then, cannot admit, a mighty effort, they are endeavoring to arrest that evil that, after he has been thus gratified with every thing he tendency in their affairs, we are called upon to pursue the desired; after he has been advanced to every station of very course which has been so disastrous to them. Is it trust and profit which could be conferred upon him, he wise that we, at this critical juncture in the affairs of the should be allowed to turn upon us again, and say, you world, should hold out such a lesson--such a practical ex- have not yet done enough for me: you have not paid me emplification of our doctrines--to the view of mankind? as much as I ought to have had. He knew the salary atWill not the advocates of free Government be dishearten-tached to every office he has filled; and at this late day he ed by it, rather than strengthened in their faith, and stimu- should not be permitted to plead that it was not enough; lated to further efforts in the great cause of human liberty that he is entitled to additional compensation-in other which they have undertaken to support? Pass this bill, words, to institute an action of damages against the Governand, my word for it, our beautiful theories, of which we ment on account of the favors which the Government has have boasted so much, will be regarded as a vain delusion; bestowed upon him. Although he may be embarrassed, still the precepts we have inculcated, as so much idle profes-I think it may be asserted that he is better provided for than sion, intended to deceive and mislead others, while we our-ninety-nine out of a hundred of the constituents of every selves are unwilling to practise them. The world will member on this floor; and there is not the least danger he sec through this disguise, and we must expect to meet the will ever want any of the necessaries or luxuries of life. odium it will occasion. No, sir, let us pursue a different Mr. W. concluded, by saying, if any thing had fallen course-let us act up to the letter and spirit of our pro- from him calculated to wound the feelings of the friends fessions--let our example go forth to the world in all pu- of Mr. Monroe, he begged them to be assured he did not rity and perfection--unimpaired by any act of insincerity design his remarks to have that effect. It was altogether on our part. Then we may expect it to be regarded by foreign from his purpose to excite the feelings of any genothers, and to have that influence upon them which may tleman, in discussing this delicate question. He had spoken be necessary to support the great cause of free and equal with no more freedom than the case required; and so much Government. as the case required, he should always feel bound to use. It has been said, Mr. Monroe is now in reduced or em- Mr. PEARCE, of Rhode Island, followed. He said, barrassed circumstances. If this be so, it is much to be Mr. Monroe, in his communication addressed to us, this regretted: but whose fault is it? Are we not equally bound session, in his last appeal to Congress, says, "I wish it to to provide for any other one whose circumstances are simi- be distinctly understood, that, in regard to my claims, I larly embarrassed? On this principle, there would be ask no indulgence or favor; that I ask nothing which is demands enough against the treasury, at every session, to not strictly due to me, on sound principles, and which my exhaust the whole revenue of the country? Instead of country shall, on full consideration and unquestionable transacting the business of the people whom we repre- evidence, think that it owes it to itself to allow me." He sent; instead of looking to the great interests of the nation, closes that communication, and takes his leave of us, in as they may happen to be affected by questions growing similar language—“In the decision on my claims, (says out of our foreign intercourse or views of domestic policy, he,) I repeat that I ask no favor or indulgence; that I ask we should be exclusively devoted to the consideration of nothing but what shall appear to be strictly due to me, on private demands, made not upon the justice, but the cha- sound principles, on full consideration, and unquestionaritable feelings of Congress. The extent and pressure of ble evidence, the withholding of which for so long a these demands would be so great in a little time, that they time has subjected me to pains and troubles which may could not be met by the ordinary revenue of the Govern- readily be conceived." Does, then, Mr. Monroe come bement; and new taxes or burdens upon the people must fore this House different from other claimants? And shall accessarily be imposed. It is obvious that continuance in not his claims receive the same respectful consideration, such a course would be impracticable--nay, sir, impossi-candid examination, we are in the daily practice of giving What, therefore, cannot be pursued or followed out to every other man's? That he asks no more, we have his to the end, should never be commenced. written declaration; whether this is to be denied him, is But I am unwilling to admit, for one moment, that any the question to be settled. ble. citizen, situated as Mr. Monroe has always been, should I did hope, Mr. Chairman, and I did expect, before I be at liberty to demand from the Government any further witnessed the course of this debate, that, as Mr. Monroe compensation. Every one who takes an office is presum-asked no more than was accorded to every one who ed to know the salary attached to it. The Government knocked at our door, what was asked would be given; promises him the salary, and nothing more; and when he that as he expected no favors from a long and faithful disenters upon the discharge of his duty, it must be supposed charge of public services, and the important stations filled, he is satisfied with the assurance thus given. Let him, then, that because he had rendered those services, and filled be content with this salary, and regulate his expenditures those stations, in considering a claim that he had preferred accordingly. It is our policy to allow moderate but suffi- against the Government of his country, they would not cient salaries, in order to preserve those habits of fruga-be referred to for the purpose of prejudicing that claim. lity which should characterize every republican people. Our fears to do wrong should not so operate as to cause The pomp, and splendor, and folly of European courts us not to do what we may know to be right. But, sir, it should not be attempted by any officer in this nation; and, is with regret I say, the tendency of the acts of gentleif his disposition will not restrain him, the limited amount men who have participated in this debate, (I impugn the of his salary should do it. But, pass this bill, and what motives and intentions of no one,) has been such as to deny will be the consequence? In effect you proclaim to the to Mr. Monroe that hearing to which no one in his place world that every officer is at liberty to expend just as much here would dare to say there was a man in this nation not as he pleases; that his habits of waste and extravagance, if entitled. The amount of money he has received from the he has any, need not be corrected; that if, by improvi- public treasury has been mentioned, and we have been dence in his past life, he should become indigent or em- told that he has been for a long time in the employ of the |