some instances unmotivated by the foregoing categories. The student of economics, the southern white, the New England manufacturer, will register characteristic attitudes. But such votes do not win elections. The majority vote comes from those sections in the population which may be swayed by the exigencies of a campaign, traditionally the Mid- and Far-West. Before entering into the study itself mention should be made of the mechanism of public-opinion formation in political areas of uncertain outcome. The psychological mechanisms are suggestion, imitation, and propaganda, defining the latter as complex systematic suggestion directed toward some ulterior end. Suggestion and imitation-cardinal principles of French social psychology— explain how the average person comes into possession of the bulk of his beliefs.* The process is unconscious in character, the individual acting upon the suggestion without being aware of when, how, or where he received the impulse, and in the absence of known causation he commonly attributes it to his own reasoning. There is implied, also, some readiness to act, some instinctive, emotional, or habit set which the suggestion touches off. In political interaction, unlimited suggestion may enter the person's subconscious without immediate response, but the response may follow later in speech activities or in the voting act. Suggestion furthermore confines impulses to restricted lines and inhibits attitudes of discrimination and selection. Suggestion ordinarily comes with such force that it is simply accepted, since one's time is limited and no means are available for verification should the suggestion fail to find footing. 5 The success attending the use of suggestion in national elections tends to verify the effectiveness of LeBon's three steps: affirmation, repetition, and contagion. Certainly it is evident that if affirmation and repetition of simple ideas produces contagion and wholesale acceptance in advertising campaigns, the same outcome should be expected in political campaigns when the same 'G. Tarde, L'opinion et la foule (1901), and The Laws of Imitation (1903). Cf. W. Trotter, Instincts of the Herd (1916), and recent literature in the fields of abnormal and advertising psychology. 'The Crowd (1897). methods are used in the same channels and on the same people. Should "Silent Cal" be any less effective than "There's a Reason"? Of affirmation LeBon says: Affirmation pure and simple, kept free from all reasoning and proof, is one of the surest ways of making an idea enter the minds of crowds. The conciser the affirmation is, the more destitute of every appearance of proof, the more weight it carries. . . . . Affirmation, however, has no significance unless it is constantly repeated, and so far as possible in the same terms. Lumley has shown how slogans have established convictions by reason of their brevity, novel appeal, and often sheer repetition." The newspaper is still the most effective agency in suggestion. The platform speech and the radio have limitations; the periodical lacks frequency and cannot take advantage of moments when suggestion is most propitious. The daily sheet whose pages are scanned at the breakfast table or en route to the office or in the workman's home after the evening meal fulfils those conditions which propaganda requires, among which are a period of time; daily presentation, affording opportunity for repetition of the same idea in varying forms; translation into graphic form (cartoon, portrayal of idealized character and distortion of opponent's); "statistical studies" carefully doctored to make the desired point; and paid political material appearing as news items. With such considerations in mind, the following study was undertaken. The various measures which were the bases of appeals made by the three major candidates were assembled (from newspaper content, candidate's statements, and the like) and a list of reasons drawn up so complete as to embody practically all that would ordinarily be assigned by any voter. By a device which is a modification of forms used in psychological studies these reasons (type-stimuli) were presented to voters and potential voters and the response registered. The device was a three-page form, one sheet being devoted to each of the three candidates and arranged in "Ibid., pp. 141-42. 121-34. "Slogans as a Means of Social Control," Pub. Amer. Sociol. Soc., XVI (1921), *E. L. Bernays, Crystallizing Public Opinion; also B. Bliven, “Our Changing Journalism," Atl. Mo. (Dec., 1923), pp. 743-50, and A. E. Lloyd, "The Newspaper Conscience-A Study in Half-Truths," this Journal, XVII (Sept., 1921), 197–210. such a way that but one was filled and the others returned unmarked. By being administered in groups with no names signed, approximate anonymity was assured. In order to get true reasons assigned and not rationalizations, all statements were phrased in the same terms used by the particular candidate. Coolidge economy as presented by Republican publicity was another matter as presented by La Follette. They were, moreover, represented in a favorable manner, primarily as they had been brought to the voter's attention, and not analytically or as the writer understood them. In all, 1,088 persons registered their reasons. Of these about 875 are university students, mostly upper-classmen of voting age or thereabouts; all readers susceptible to influence of political propaganda; all capable of and likely to have political viewpoints and opinions. The remaining number represents samples taken from occupational groups in Chicago, Indianapolis, Minneapolis, and Kansas City, Missouri. The study occupied about six weeks, beginning shortly after the election. SUMMARY OF RESULTS [NOTE. The interpretation of the designated reasons in terms of the predominant psychological motive is appended to each statement. These statements of reason for voting are here given in condensed form but otherwise as presented to the individuals, though in different order. The assigned motive appears in small capitals when it is the one outstanding motive; in lower case when not prominent yet is the dominant one; in italics when involved but other motives more or less definable are present.] SECTION I. COOLIDGE A. REASONS DESIGNATED, IN ORDER OF FREQUENCY-MEN AND WOMEN while Davis and 1. "Coolidge. . . . safe, sane, and secure LaFollette were uncertain" (designated 598 times, or by approximately 80 per cent of all Coolidge voters). .... SAFETY MOTIVE 2. "Coolidge stood for economy, tax reduction, and other wise economic measures" (589 times)...... .SELF-INTEREST 3. "Admired Coolidge's able conduct of affairs since he came into office" (525 times)...... ....Self-interest 'Acknowledgments are accorded Mr. A. J. Nystrom, Professors H. D. Kitson, C. L. Bane, and W. A. Lewis, respectively, for assistance in procuring this data. 4. "Believed economic policies of G.O.P. (high tariff, non-interference with business, etc.) best for the country" (423 times) Self-interest and safety motive 5. "Liked Coolidge as a good American" (418 times) Sympathy principle 6. "Believed that business would be seriously handicapped if radicals should secure full control" (403 times)..... cent) 7. "Approved of Coolidge's tax reduction program" (403 times) ..FEAR SELF-INTEREST 8. "Believed LaFollette radical and not constructive" (388 times, 52 per ..... FEAR 9. "Believed La Follette's policies subversive and dangerous" (371 times) Fear and safety motive 10. "Admired Coolidge's silence and modesty" (368 times) Sympathy; safety motive II. "Opposed to government ownership of public utilities" (303 times) Self-interest 12. "Felt that LaFollette's proposition to give Congress veto power over the Supreme Court would amount to a virtual overthrow of our present government" (276 times)...... SAFETY MOTIVE 13. "Did not want LaFollette elected because of his association with Socialists and 'reds'" (270 times)...... SAFETY MOTIVE 14. "Feared widespread business depression, unemployment, and 'hard times' if Coolidge were not elected" (239 times, or about 31 per cent).. FEAR 15. "Thought Republican the best party" (204 times).....Safety motive 16. "Felt that government ownership, as proposed by LaFollette, would increase taxes" (199 times)...... .Self-interest 17. "Felt that times were good; hence 'why change'" (180 times) SAFETY MOTIVE 18. "Admired Dawes" (172 times)..... .Sympathy principle 19. "Coolidge . . . pledged to keep us out of the League of Nations while Davis was not" (115 times).. ..Safety motive 20. "Feared in case of deadlock the election of C. W. Bryan" (107 times) Safety motive 21. "Had lost faith in the Democratic party" (66 times)..Safety motive 22. "Wanted to vote for a winner, as indicated by the Literary Digest poll" (27 times)..... ....Classification uncertain B. DESIGNATION OF "MOST IMPORTANT REASON" 1. "Economy, etc." (223 times).. .SELF-INTEREST 2. "Safe, sane . . . others uncertain" (199 times)..SAFETY MOTIVE 3. "Able executive" (191 times)..... Self-interest 4. "G.O.P. policies best for country" (155 times) Self-interest; safety motive 5. "LaFollette policies bad" (102 times). 6. "Tax reduction" (92 times).... ....... .Fear; safety motive ... SELF-INTEREST 7. "Danger to Supreme Court (LaFollette proposal)" (91 times) SAFETY MOTIVE .FEAR 8. "Business handicapped if radicals secure control" (88 times)... FEAR 9. “LaFollette radical, not constructive" (62 times)............. 10. "Liked Coolidge as good American" (62 times)...Sympathy principle 11. "Fear of government ownership" (61 times).. 12. "Coolidge or chaos" (54 times).. 13. "Silent Cal" (52 times)..... .Self-interest .FEAR .Sympathy principle; safety motive 14. "Republican best party" (39 times).. 15. "Fear of LaFollette's alliance with Socialists and 'reds'' (38 times) Fear SECTION II. DAVIS A. REASONS DESIGNATED, IN ORDER OF FREQUENCY-MEN AND WOMEN 1. "Favored taking an active part in world-affairs through the League and World Court" (133 times, or 75 per cent of Davis vote) Complex motive, difficult to classify 2. “Davis a distinguished person of recognized ability" (120 times) Self-interest 3. "Davis' training had given him (as ambassador) a broader outlook and better understanding of international questions" (119 times) Remote self-interest 4. "Believed that the U.S. should discontinue its 'unofficial dabbling' in foreign affairs and take its place as a leader" (115 times)..... Mixed motive 5. "Disliked the radical policies of LaFollette and the ultra-conservatism of Coolidge" (114 times)... ...... Safety motive 6. "Felt that a vote for Davis was one for 'common honesty'" (109) Self-interest 7. "Admired Davis' frank commitment against the K.K.K." (103 times) Mixed; fear basis 8. "Admired Davis' stand for law enforcement and recognition of all amendments" (86 times).. 9. "Davis IO. a man of fine personality" (84 times) ..Safety motive Not readily classifiable "Believed greatness of Coolidge more or less a myth" (84 times) Safety motive II. "Believed recent Democratic administrations comparatively free from graft and corruption while Republican were not" (82 times)....Self-interest 12. "Wanted vote to be rebuke to Harding-Coolidge administration because of scandals connected therewith" (81 times).............. .Self-interest |