Mrs. WATERS. I am not asking you to publish them, but I want them as exhibits entered against this world government plan.

The CHAIRMAN. We are not dealing with the world government. Mrs. WATERS. Yes; but this is world government coming in by the back door; it is a part of it, and I am objecting to it and am very much opposed to it.

The CHAIRMAN. You file your papers and we will edit them and print such of it as we can. We wouldn't promise to print it all. Mrs. WATERS. Thank you.

(Statement submitted by Mrs. Waters is as follows:)

STATEMENT OF MRS. AGNES WATERS

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee: My name is Mrs. Agnes Waters, my address is P. O. Box 3560, Washington 7, D. C.

I oppose this point 4 program of the Truman administration on the grounds that it is a part of an international conspiracy to overthrow this Government and all of the Christian nations of the earth to build a Soviet world state. The real authors of this plan should be arrested and all of the plunder that they have taken away from the people by these Red schemes should be confiscated and returned to us. This Dean Acheson is one of the Frankfurter protégés. Their Red plan is to spend us into communism! and this a part of it, to scatter our assets to the four winds! The roots of this diabolical plot to destroy all nations goes back 5,000 years; and in almost every age just such people were attempting by revolutionary methods to wipe out Christianity through just such "four point plans" as this one. The Red war criminals back of this four-point plan of Mr. Truman's should be arrested and tried for conspiracy and treason, and if convicted hanged on the same precedents as they set at Nuremberg. Point 4 plan indeed! This fraud perpetuated upon us by these persons here for this plan and the fraud known as the United Nations set-up, is a part of the New Deal revolution! and the security of the United States is endangered by this plan and others like it. I charge that this plan is a part of the "empty stomach" phase of the Red revolution plotted and planned against us as reported to Congress in 1934 by Dr. Wirt, and I hereby ask you to read his testimony as given before the Dies committee. I also hereby attach as evidence all of my testimonies, letters, and speeches given over the years and I make them a part of my official statement herewith.

(The documents referred to are on file with the committee.)

The CHAIRMAN. Now, Mr. Marsh, you are next. I hope you will be brief, as we are trying to get through today.

STATEMENT OF BENJAMIN C. MARSH, EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, THE PEOPLE'S LOBBY

Mr. MARSH. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, my name is Benjamin C. Marsh. I am executive secretary of the People's Lobby, with headquarters here.

The CHAIRMAN. How do you get your salary?

Mr. MARSH. My salary is not very heavy. I get about $1,800 a year, if I am in luck, I have some annuities, too, but our budget is largely from memberships. About five-sixths of it comes from a membership paying $5 and less-small, middle-class people all over the country. The CHAIRMAN. Do you have a regular membership list or do you just get it from contributions?

Mr. MARSH. We have regular members. Some of them have been in the lobby 18, 19 years.

The CHAIRMAN. Are you for the bill or against it?

Mr. MARSH. I am in favor of the bill with some amendments which I am going to suggest and point out what is involved.

Mr. Chairman, I have a written statement here, but since it has been my observation that all the members of the committee can read, I wouldn't read it to you. I will just file it for the record, if it is agreable with you, and then I would like to make a few comments. The CHAIRMAN. Very well.

(The statement above-referred, submitted by Mr. Marsh, is as follows:)

NATIONS FEAR GREEKS EVEN BEARING GIFTS

The avowed purpose of point 4 is beyond reproach, provided control is strictly in the hands of the United Nations, and provided also, there is assurance that the benefits of making the deserts bloom like a rose, inure to the common people and not to the landowner, the oil and natural-gas owner, and the financier, as in America.

There is not any such assurance.

On the contrary, some plans for post point 4 investment must alarm the world. Senator McMahon proposed $50,000,000,000 in the next 5 years' outlay for peace.

In the March issue of United Nations World, Mr. Benjamin Javits, author of the Commonwealth of Industry and Business and the Public Interest, in an article The Biggest Deal on Earth, outlines the program of his forthcoming book-Peace by Investment, in which he advocates spending $2,000,000,000,000 in the next 50 years, $40,000,000,000 a year-to "buy the peace by investing in people."

Mr. Javits developed this plan after many years of study with the assistance of Charles Wilson, president of General Electric Co.

He says of this plan:

"The entire amount for any such gigantic program of credits would not have to be underwritten by the United States alone. Some of it, perhaps 1,000 billion dollars or, 1 trillion, could be concurrently supplied by potent members of the British Commonwealth such as Canada, while other portions could be supplied from indigenous capital in such debtor countries as France, once the initial extension of United States credits had started the ball rolling. Probably as much as a trillion dollars, or one-half of the total needed, could be provided from such

sources.

"The American share can with some predictability be estimated at one trillion dollars, at 20 billion a year, over a 50-year perior, or about 7 percent of our national current income

*

* *

"Moreover, any such course will be neither alimony nor philanthropy but good business- good business in the sense that substantial, continuing return on venture capital, on investment, is good business.

"The profits in monetary terms can be breath taking; the profits in moral terms are beyond measurement."

CREDITOR NATION CAN'T DETERMINE PROFITS

Obviously, some credit must be extended for development of hitherto undeveloped areas and economies, and equally obviously the terms of such credit cannot be left to the major creditor nation, or even three or four such nations.

A world-wide code of conduct for capital abroad must be drafted by the United Nations and be obligatory upon all nations.

This is part of a true bill of human rights.

Both the International Bank and the International Monetary Fund are concerned primarily with the fiscal and economic aspect of loans, while it would be the function of the world code of conduct for capital abroad to consider the ethical aspects of investment.

It would be difficult to conceive of anything that would give greater cogency and appeal to the Kremlin's charges that in the future, as in the past, American capital would seek to exploit peoples as well as resources, throughout the world, than the frank statement of Mr. Javits that the profits on the $40,000,000,000 a year investment outside of the lending countries "can be breath taking."

A reasonable return is to be expected, but not one that leaves the lender and makes the borrower breathless.

Simultaneously with the drafting of a world-wide code of conduct for capital abroad, the United Nations through an appropriate agency should consider plans for international controls of the production and distribution of major natural resources, such as oil, iron, ore, coal, copper, bauxite, magnesium, chrome, and uranium, international allocation of markets and international allocation of shipping.

Unless the United States, through its delegates, initiates in the United Nations action to draft a code for capital abroad, the peoples of the world will be justified in regarding point 4 as a blind for our real purpose of exploiting the alleged to be beneficiaries thereof, and organizing world-wide marauding expeditions.

Mr. MARSH. In the first place, I was rather surprised at the implication of Mr. Littell. If I understood him correctly

The CHAIRMAN. There is no use in arguing with Mr. Littell. We want to know your views. Let Mr. Littell go his way. You tell us what you think about it.

Mr. MARSH. I would like to ask whether I can correctly construe the bill. If I construe it correctly, he doesn't.

The CHAIRMAN. All right, go ahead.

Mr. MARSH. You say on page 6 that the President is authorized to utilize the services and facilities of private agencies in person, and then on page 8, you refer to the participation of private agencies and persons which shall be sought wherever practicable. I inferred from this that you could use any information already available, that the Government was free to do it, and that wherever this operates, you could use existing agencies.

The CHAIRMAN. That is right.

Mr. MARSH. But there are two proposals, two provisos, which we think are imperative before this is a sound measure, and one is this: It has got to be administered by the United Nations.

WORKING THROUGH THE UNITED NATIONS

Mr. Chairman, in discusing this problem with one of the witnesses, you said you have got to deal with governments under point 4. Of course, that is largely correct in the main. Well, the United Nations can much more effectively work with governments.

The CHAIRMAN. Well, the bill provides that the President can join up with the United Nations, doesn't it?

Mr. MARSH. I think it is permissive. I think it should be mandatory. There is

a

very gr great difference, as you have observed. The CHAIRMAN. I understood there was some difference.

BENEFITS TO THE COMMON PEOPLE

Mr. MARSH. In the second place, it has got to provide that the benefits of this study and of making the desert bloom like the rose shall go to the common people in all of these countries and not go to the owners of oil and natural gas or the financiers or other landowners. There is nothing.

The CHAIRMAN. With respect to other landowners, would you exclude a fellow because he had a little patch somewhere?

Mr. MARSH. I can't hear.

The CHAIRMAN. You say it ought not to go to any landowner. Do you mean you wouldn't let a fellow that had a little patch get any of it?

Mr. MARSH. Oh, sure, but I'm talking about one who owns land in order to exploit others. It has been in Texas as well as in other parts of the United States and all over the world.

The CHAIRMAN. I think I understand Texas about as well as you do. [Laughter.]

Mr. MARSH. I am glad you do, and I hope Texas will stay in the Union, instead of seceding, as it threatens to occasionally. However, no such provision is made in this bill.

You ask what is the difference between the Congregationalist and the Unitarian. Well, my parents were Congregationalist missionaries, and, 50 years ago, when I was raising money for Congregationalist foreign missions, I found the missionaries were looked upon with a great deal of suspicion on the part of the alleged heathens, who wondered how soon American investments and American concessions were going to follow the blessings of heaven which my parents and other foreign missionaries were trying to inoculate the heathen with, and they were extremely suspicious of them.

The CHAIRMAN. They never did inoculate many of them to stay inoculated, did they?

Mr. MARSH. No. I will say this, that the sales resistance of the so-called heathen to the theology of American missionaries was very marked and rather impressive. I remember hearing my father say once, when I was a youngster, "I do hope my converts wouldn't go to America and learn how the Christians are actually living." [Laughter.] My father was a graduate of Grinnell College, by the way, Senator Hickenlooper, as I am.

UNDERWRITING AMERICAN INVESTMENT ABROAD

Two things have happened since you started consideration of point 4. Senator McMahon, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, has come out with a proposal for spending $10,000,000,000 a year for 5 years. Benjamin Javits in New York, in collaboration with Charles Wilson, president of General Electric Co., has come out with a proposal which is summarized in the March United Nations World, bearing right on point 4, that two trillion dollars should be spent in the next 50 years, at the rate of $40,000,000,000 a year, with Uncle Sam underwriting it, to buy peace and prosperity throughout the world, and he gives in this article a really surprising statement. He says, "The profits in monetary"

The CHAIRMAN. Are you quoting that as a part of your testimony? Mr. MARSH. I am just summarizing a bit. I am not duplicating but more than a few lines.

The CHAIRMAN. Are you advocating what they are advocating? Mr. MARSH. I certainly am not; before I am through, you will realize it. He says, "The profits in monetary terms can be breath taking." Well, now, you know, you can talk about your point 4 from Dan to Beersheba

The CHAIRMAN. I am not going to either place.

Mr. MARSH. I wonder where you came from [laughter], because that counts, too-or from the North to the South Pole; you are not going and I am not going, but American investments are going, and they are asking us to underwrite them. We have underwritten two world wars since I came down here in 1918, and I remember you were fighting then to make it pay-as-you-go, do you remember, and then this last World War.

CODE FOR CAPITAL INVESTMENT ABROAD

We propose this, that you have got to supplement point 4 with at least two provisos. One proviso originated, if you please, with a Republican, because such things are possible, and he is now president of

64973-50-8