of the coal disappears as freight charges-paid by the monopoly to itself. These charges are wildly unreasonable. Meanwhile the miner is permitted to dig when the mine is not shut down by agreement, making a bare living. He costs so little that the coal monopoly does not have to improve its methods. It can continue to use obsolete machinery and do its work in a wasteful manner because men are so cheap.

"The Coal Trust pays its men on the average $1.28 a day. As the miners are employed only part of the time, the figures do not fairly represent what their wages is in proportion to their living expenses. Last year, which is said to have been a good year for miners, they were employed only 194 days, which means that their actual yearly earnings calculated by the day amounted to less than 80 cents. In 1899 the average number of working days was 180. A recent estimate places the average earning capacity of a miner for a year at $248. Out of this sum he must pay the coal trust for house rent from $37 to $72 a year, must supply his own powder at $14 a year and his own oil at $5 a year, to say nothing of the fee to the coal companies' physician, which is $6 a year whether the physician is needed or not. With what the miner has left he must clothe and feed this at a time when the necessities of life are unusually high.

himself and his family, and

Recently the miners, through their union, asked 20

per cent increase in wages. It was denied them. They

are said to have offered to compromise on a 5 per cent advance, but the trust declined to treat with them. Now the miners have struck. The coal monopoly is going to do its best to defeat the miners and destroy their union. It wishes to thrust back into their former condition of serfdom the men who ask a living rate of payment for their hard and perilous toil. It is a battle of men against a monster-a sight to bring tears of compassion to the eyes of any one who consider all the circumstances attending it. These 140,000 workers ask merely a just wage, so that they may make life a little less hard for themselves and those whom they love. Yet they are to be crushed for daring to dispute with this lawless trust, which insists on 'running its own business."

""The coal monopoly makes one serious mistake. The business which it conducts in violation of God's laws and man's laws becomes the public's business because of its evil nature. It is the duty of the United States department of justice to destroy this wicked trust.'"

"That is not all of their iniquity. With all their wealth. and power, the trusts control politics and legislation. Professional politicians and lobbyists stand ready at all times to do their bidding. These men live at Washington and all of the state capitals and are known to make their living that way. I know hundreds of them, and they make no secret of their business. Nay, they almost advertise themselves to a disgusted public. Everybody knows this, and no one is surprised when a villainous piece of cor

ruption or bribery is exposed. All have grown used to it on account of its frequency. Through these agents the trusts control the legislative bodies and courts of the land. Is it any wonder then that they go on doing just as they please? Is it remarkable that they defy the public, which seems to stand in fear and awe of them? And how are the people to reach them? If a different set of politicians get into power, the trusts proto corrupt and bribe them in the same way.

"Who can enumerate the evils of the trusts? There seems to be no end of them. Aside from their rebate system, the monopolization of industries, the ruin of competitors and the corruption and bribery of courts and legislative bodies, they throw thousands of people out of work. First, fully 90 per cent of their traveling men, drummers, agents, clerks and bookkeepers are dispensed with. Then, when they shut down some of their plants and drive competitors from the field, many more people are deprived of work, with the result that a job is a thing to be prized and held to by all manner of means. It stands between him who holds it and want. And the bitter struggle to hold these jobs gives rise to another danger, which is this: Every man working for a trust will be obliged to vote as commanded or lose his position. And right here is a dangerous moral support given to this iniquitous institutionthe control of votes.

"So then we find that in addition to their corruption and bribery, they securely hold the reins of government by

popular vote. Thus we find enthroned in the high places not the will of the people, but plutocracy-plutocracy strong and arrogant, dictating the policy of a free Republic. And what can those Congressmen do who want to be honest? The words of Shakespeare apply very forcibly in this case: 'Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world like a Colossus, and we petty men walk under his huge legs, and peep about to find ourselves dishonorable graves.'

"Washington City has at last been taken by the enemy. Plutocracy has fortified its stronghold, and when the great American people awake some day it will be to find themselves as completely enthralled as were the Israelites by the Egyptians under Pharoah.

"What will be the result when the awakening comes? What will happen when this force clashes with an enraged people-a people enraged by plunder, fraud and deceit? Only wisdom divine could prevent a cataclysm more fearful than anything this country has ever seen.

"These are not the only factors at work in bringing about this end. When all are considered, even the most optimistic must fear and tremble at the approaching storm.

"During my two terms in Congress, it seemed to me. that the public stood helpless to remedy the evil. They have failed to pass laws for their own good. Like the courts, the legislative bodies seem clogged when such measures are attempted, but act freely and quickly when

anything is started for the benefit of plutocracy. All manners of laws are made and evaded by this terrible power at will.

"As I have said, this is not only my opinion after my experience in Congress, but is corroborated by an abundance of evidence on all sides. I do not ask anyone to accept the opinion of one Congressman, but submit the evidence for his judgment."