CHAPTER XII.

Magnitude of questions before Congress-Interest felt throughout the Union, in the election of Senators-The sentiment of the people, in regard to Gen. Cass' election to the Senate-His election by the Legislature of Michigan-His first act in the Senate, evinces his keen watchfulness over the rights and honor of his country-Resolutions of Senator Allen-Gen. Cass supports them-His remarks thereon-The Oregon question-The great interests involved in its settlement-The recommendations of the President-Resolution of Mr. Allen, giving notice that convention of 1827, between the United States and Great Britain, he annulled and abrogated-Speech of Gen. Cass, in regard to our defences-His remarks thereon.

The magnitude of the questions arising in Congress, impressed the public mind with the necessity of having in the Senate of the United States, the first and most eminent men of the country. It was apparent, that with the commencement of Mr. Polk's presidential term, an era in the affairs of the nation would arise, requiring all the skill and experience of our wisest statesmen. The official terms of many senators would expire with the administration of John Tyler. The filling the vacancies thus occurring was a subject of general interest, all through the United States. It was not confined to state limits. Each state felt interested in the choice her sisters in the confederacy might make. The term of Hon. Augustus S. Porter, of Michigan was one of those which would terminate in March, 1845. In regard to who would be his successor there was but one sentiment, not only within the the State of Michigan, but elsewhere. The universal choice fell upon Gen. Cass. The legislature of Michigan, at its annual session in January 1845, in compliance with public opinion, elected Gen. Cass, senator for six years ensuing the fourth of March, then next. Every democratic member of the legislature, except two in the senate, voted for him His election therefore may be said to have been unanimous. He took his seat in the senate at the executive session called upon the inauguration of Mr. Polk.

The first session of the 29th Congress commenced on the first Monday of December 1845. This was the first regular meeting

of Congress under the new administration. The President in his annual message had expressed it to be his determination to carry out the policy of the government, as declared by his predecessors in regard to the interference of foreign powers in American affairs. He said that the people of the United States could not view with indifference the attempts of any European Power to interfere with the independent action of the nations on this continent. The subject was recommended to the attention of Congress, by the President, and Senator Allen of Ohio asked leave to introduce into the Senate a joint resolution declaratory of the principles by which the government of the United States would be governed in regard to the interposition of the powers of Europe in the political affairs of America. The question upon granting leave came up for discussion on the 26th of January, 1846. It was long and ably debated by the most distinguished men in the Senate. Gen. Cass advocated the motion. Messrs. Berrien, Calhoun, Corwin, Crittenden and Webster were opposed to it. Gen. Cass supported the proposition upon the ground that it was the most correct course to pursue in reference to the relations of the United States with England-that this country "could lose nothing at home or abroad, by establishing and maintaining an American policy-a policy de-. cisive in its spirit-moderate in its tone, and just in its objectsproclaimed and supported firmly, but temperately." Advocating. the motion he said:

"But what is proposed by this resolution? It proposes, Mr. President, to repel a principle which two of the greatest powers of the earth are now carrying into practice upon this continent, so far as we can discover any principle involved in the war which the French and British are now waging against Buenos Ayres; and a principle solemnly announced by the French prime minister in the Chamber of Deputies, clearly in doctrine, but cautiously in the remedy. I need not advert to the declaration made upon that occasion by M. Guizot, a declaration equally extraordinary and memorable. An honorable member of this body has the debate in full; and I trust that, in the further discussion which this subject must undergo, and will undergo in this body in one form or another, he will read the remarks of the French premier, and give us the able views I know he entertains of them. I will only add that these remarks are eminently characteristic of a peculiar class of statesmen, who are always seeking some new and brilliant thought, something with which to dazzle the world as much as it dazzles themselves-some paradox or other as a shroud wherewith to wrap

their dying frame. Plain common sense, and the true condition of men and communities, are lost in diplomatic subtleties.

But what is this balance of power which is to cross the Atlantic and take up its abode in this New World? It is the assumption of a power which has deluged Europe in blood, and which has attempted to stifle the first germs of freedom in every land where they have started up; which has blotted Poland from the map of nations; which has given a moiety of Saxony, in spite of the prayers of the people, to Prussia; which has extinguished Venice and Genoa; which added Belgium to Holland, notwithstanding the repugnance of its inhabitants, who eventually rose in their revolutionary might, and asserted and achieved their own independence; which transferred Norway from Denmark, to which it was attached by old ties and by a mild government, to Sweden, who had to send an army, and to call upon the navy of England to aid her to take possession of this gift of the holy alliance; which keeps Switzerland in eternal turmoil, and which sent a French army into Spain to put down the spirit of liberty, and an Austrian army to Italy for the same purpose; and which watches and wards off the very first instincts of human nature to meliorate its social and political condition.

It is the assumption of a power which enables five great nations of Europe they are quintuple at present-to govern just as much of the world as will not or cannot resist their cupidity and ambition, and to introduce new principles at their pleasure, and to their profit, into the code of nations. To proclaim that the slave trade. is piracy by virtue of their proclamation, and that their cruisers may sweep the ocean, seizing vessels, and crews, and cargoes, and committing them to that great vortex which has swallowed up such a vast amount of our property, and issued so many decrees against our rights-a court of admiralty; and, by-and-by, will enable them. to proclaim, if not resisted, that the cotton trade shall be piracy, or that the tobacco trade shall be piracy, or that anything else shall be piracy which ministers to our power and interest, and does not minister to theirs.

I understand the measure proposed by the Senator from Ohio is a protest against the establishment of a new and dangerous principle, affecting ourselves, and with us the other independent nations inhabiting this continent. It does not necessarily involve any question of war. Such a protest is a common mode of procedure in the intercourse of nations. It is the exclusion of a conclusion. It is saying to the world, that the Government making the protest does not recognise a certain claim or principle, and does not intend to be bound by it. It commits such Government to no specific course of action. It merely expresses its dissent, leaving to future circumstances its conduct, should the protest be found inefficient.

I have already alluded to Buenos Ayres, where France and England are now interfering to their heart's content. Their conduct

upon the La Plata is among the most outrageous acts of modern times. If I understand their professions, they wage war against Buenos Ayres, because Buenos Ayres is at war with Montevideo. They are fighting for peace; doing evil that good may come. But what right have they to interfere in the quarrel between two independent nations, except as the friend of both, and in the interest of both? They come not, however, with the olive-branch, but with fleets and armies. They carry on open war; they preach a crusade of philanthropy from the quarter-decks of ships of the line, and from the midst of regiments of soldiers. Now all this is a flimsy veil to conceal far other designs of commercial and political ascendancy upon the immense and productive countries of that great river. They seek the establishment of a balance of power, which shall establish their own power, and enable them to hold in subjection one of the most magnificent regions upon the face of the earth. To give proper weight and solemnity to any measure upon this great question under consideration, requires the action of Congress. The declaration of the President will be as barren as was that of Mr. Monroe unless adopted by the national legislature. The President is the organ of communication with other governments. But the establishment of a great line of policy calls into action powers not committed to him, and which can only be exercised by the representatives of the States and the representatives of the people assembled in Congress.

Mr. President, we shall lose nothing at home or abroad, now or hereafter, by establishing and maintaining an American policy-a policy decisive in its spirit, moderate in its tone, and just in its objects-proclaimed and supported firmly, but temperately. Providence has placed us at the head of the family of nations upon this continent. We have passed safely through the great revolutionary trial from a colonial to an independent condition. We entered upon it with great advantages. The principles of true freedom were brought by our forefathers to the New World, and when the struggle for independence commenced, it found us not only ready for the issue, but ripe for the blessings of self-government. But the colonies of Spanish descent had not served, as we had done, the apprenticeship of liberty: and when they were suddenly called to dissolve their original political connexion, and to reconstruct their civil institutions, they encountered difficulties which seemed at times to threaten the overthrow of all their hopes. Their state of transition is not yet fully over; but they will struggle on till their work is crowned with success. In the meantime, it is equally our policy and our duty to preserve the continent as free from European influence as is compatible with the acknowledged principles of the laws of nations. The community of States inhabiting it have interests of their own, independent of the peculiar state of things which is established in Europe. There is here no question touching the joint rights of others-none of interfering with the colonial possessions of the European Powers-none of denying.

their right to establish all the relations of peace they please with this continent, nor of changing these to relations of war when they think just cause of war exists, followed, in that case, by all the rights which a state of hostilities brings with it. But it is a question of applying to America an artificial system built up in Europe within the last century and a half, which the most careless observer of history well knows has neither diminished the number nor the extent of wars, nor increased the stability of independent States, nor promoted the happiness of mankind. A system of power built up in reality for the maintenance of monarchical institutions, under the guise of maintaining a necessary political equilibrium. Now, sir, I hope we shall be satisfied with our own good things, without preaching any system of political propagandism. If other people prefer monarchical to republican institutions, so be it. We have no right to quarrel with their decision, however much we may differ from their views. The world is wide enough for them and us. But we have a right to expect that no undue means be taken, under any pretence whatever, to assail the existing institutions upon this hemisphere, or to exert any influence to change them, or to interfere at all with its political condition. This is the object of the Senator from Ohio; and it is an object worthy of the attention and action of Congress, and of the approbatiou of the country.

Why need we be so peculiarly sensitive upon this question?for I see it has excited some sensation in various quarters. No one doubts our right to respond to the declaration of the President. No one can dispute its importance. No gentleman, I am sure, upon the floor of the Senate, has the least wish to conciliate England by a self-restraining policy. Mild words, we are told by the wise man, turn away wrath. It may be so; but they never yet turned away cupidity or ambition. I do not see that the English statesmen are very regardful of the feelings of this country, either in the measures they adopt or in the language they employ. Lord John Russell, who has recently been called to the head of the British Administration, but which position he could not hold, in his comments upon the President's declaration respecting Oregon, in April last, called it blustering; and I did not observe that this coarse epithet drew upon the speaker the least censure from Parliament, or the people, or the press. I have seen no such epithet applied here to the language of the British Queen, nor even of the British Cabinet, though my experience tells me that, had such been the case, there is many a journal in this country which would have visited it with strong rebuke. But Lord John Russell lays himself liable to a severe retort when he says, in that very speech: "For my own part, I will say, in all moderation, that I am not prepared to say that this country ought to put forward any arrogant pretensions."

Precious moderation this! What can be more arrogant than to claim moderation because a country is not prepared to put forward arrogant pretensions? If this be the moderation of England, what would be her arrogance ?