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A large gas leakage is inconsistent with good pavements. If repairs are neglected, leakage quickly attains intolerable proportions. If necessary repairs are attended to, the streets are quickly scarred with patches. In the case of asphalt, the destruction due to gas leakage is rapid and complete. The binder of the asphalt is attacked by the olefiants and decomposed. The solution for this anxious municipal problem would appear to be in pipe galleries.

The fire hazard of gas leakage is incapable of exaggeration. It is enormously increased by the fact that gas which has passed even for a short distance through soil is thereby rendered nearly or quite odorless. A very large proportion of the unexplained fires in cities is due to gas. The inspectors of the Bureau of Buildings of New York lately began to look for gas in the air of theaters, music halls, and other places of public assembly, and rarely fail to find it in proportions ranging from 0.2 or 0.3 per cent. to 5 per cent. This is in summer, with all the ventilation possible.

The hygienic aspects are scarcely less serious. In the city under consideration the leakage carries between 35 and 40 per cent. of carbon monoxide, which is probably the most insidious blood poison known. Experiments upon animals warrant the belief that air containing anything more than 0.4 per cent. is capable of causing death in man, though anything over 0.2 per cent. would in many cases prove fatal. It has no smell or irritating properties. Oxygen absorbed by the lungs is normally taken up by the red matter of the blood, hemoglobin. Hemoglobin has affinity for oxygen, but it has enormously greater affinity for carbon monoxide-about 400 times greater. Hence, when the hemoglobin is saturated with carbon monoxide, oxygen can no longer be carried from the lungs to the tissues, and death ensues.

J. J. Concannon, M.D., of New York, who has very carefully studied gas poisoning, says: Few seem aware that carbon monoxide exerts its deleterious effect, be the quantity present ever so small. The principal cause of the anæmia and lowered vitality which sooner or later appears in all city workers is the illuminating gas with which the city atmosphere is heavily charged through leakage. When inhaled in large quantity, carbon monoxide causes a profound anæmia, often fatal. When the air contains but a small percentage, a less pronounced anæmia gradually but surely appears. Doubtless this will be recognized eventually as the cause of the readiness with which the city dweller contracts grippe, tuberculosis, pneumonia, and many other diseases. Chemical and microscopic examinations usually show the effect of prolonged city life upon the red blood cells.

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Most of the evils attributed to "sewer gas are due to carbon monoxide, which is not a product of organic decomposition in sewers, and which is there only because gas which leaks from mains into the soil tends to accumulate in just such pockets as the sewers offer. During April and May some very interesting experiments were conducted by the Committee on Hygiene of the New York County Medical Association. These pointed very clearly to the agency of unsuspected gas in causing types of persistent general malaise. When gas was found the patients were promptly removed to a different environment, with immediate recovery, only to relapse when temporarily returned. In each instance the access of gas was from the sewer, through the house drain, and its escape was from defects in the plumbing.

What is the remedy? If a remedy is not found, the time is not far distant when the gas industry will have to be suppressed as a public nuisance, dangerous to life and detrimental to health. Concealment of the truth is not a step in the direction of a solution of the problem. Let us know what we are dealing with, at least. To this end I advise an effort to secure the enactment of laws requiring gas companies to make their statistics public. Where leakage is found to be excessive, or where for any reason it entails or threatens danger to life or property, it should be the duty of the state board of health to investigate the causes and to take such steps to abate the nuisance as its powers may permit or the public interest demand. (The writer submits the form of a bill designed to meet the evil.)—JAMES C. BALES, M.E., PH.D., “Gas Leakage in American Cities,” in Municipal Journal and Engineer, September, 1902. R. M.

The Gambling Impulse. The present study is an attempt to investigate the origin and nature of the instincts and motives involved in chance plays and gambling. The Egyptians, Chinese, Japanese, Hindus, Persians, Jews, Greeks, and Romans,

with their dice on their lots testify of the indigenous and ubiquitous character of gambling. The French, Germans, and English are scarcely less given to the practice of gambling than the older peoples first mentioned. The prevailing forms are the dice of the old time and the more recently popularized lottery. The attraction of the chance seems to have continued throughout the history of man, and the desperate stakes placed testify to the spell this charm has over man. The American Indians will not only lose all their possessions, but also will stake their wives and children, and even their own liberty. The Senecas had a popular belief that a certain gambling game would be enjoyed by them in the future life of the Great Spirit. The Malays of Sumatra, the Javanese, the Sulus are all addicted to desperate playing of chance games. The passion is nowhere else so strong as among savage and barbarous races. But both the universality and the desperate enchantment of the passion are remarkable. The universality and the gradations of this disposition toward chance, risk, are seen in the various forms of hazard, from the commonplace remark, "I will risk not taking my umbrella," to the fearful staking of one's very life. An analysis of the replies obtained from sending out a topical questionnaire throws some light upon the psychology of uncertainty. A curve representing the disposition toward chance seems to follow closely in direction and height a curve showing changes in the faith or in the fear one has in one's own personal safety. This gambling curve varies in direction and intensity, just as would be expected, according to the age, physical condition, previous experience, and sex. It fluctuates much for the ages from ten to seventeen years in both sexes, as uncertain as is this period of adolescence. Later the prevailing tendency is stronger toward chance among men than among women. The gambling impulse seems to be a sort of balance between faith in self and distrust of self.

The psychological theories of the gambling impulse are few in number and inadequate in treatment. Avarice and love of wealth are not, as many have suggested, large elements in the case. A desire for a stimulus to call forth the natural activity of the mind; indolence, vacuity being an unnatural state of mind; a desire to forget self and be rid of the commonplace-these seem to be the real causes or explanation of the impulse. Professor Thomas has summed it up in his article on "The Gambling Instinct" thus: Gambling is a means of keeping up the conflict interest and of securing all the pleasure-pain sensations of conflict activity with little effort and no drudgery; and, incidentally or habitually, it may be a means of securing money." The race has been evolved in an environment of uncertainty, and such an environment has become indispensable to alertness of the faculties. Reflex action, muscular co-ordination, memory, imagination, and judgment times are thereby quickened. Does not the condition of uncertainty hold the mind in a tonic and unrelaxed condition? The addition of the stake brings in a whole train of added states centering about the feeling of power. Hope and fear, joy and sorrow, emulation, aggression, instinct of domination, love of humiliating one's opponent, pugnacity, jealousy, envy are some of the affective states exercised.

A study of luck reveals that it is regarded as more than mere chance. It is significant that the implements of gambling of the primitive man are the same as those used for divination; the same methods are used now for gambling, now for divination. This use-connection suggests one characteristic of luck, that it is a sort of connection with the god, the will, the ruler of affairs. Luck names the attitude, favoring or frowning, of some hovering spirit, some "guardian angel," some "evil genius." Were luck a pure accidental content, it would scarcely have persisted in the life of the peoples, and been found in so many expressions of "lucky days," "unlucky numbers," the "lucky box," the "fortune wheel," etc. But another glance at the historical interpretation of luck, and there is revealed a sort of paradox; it tells of the passion for certainty. Instead of indicating a love of the uncertain, it testifies of the longing of the mind for the certain, the sure. From this viewpoint it is easily seen as akin to the principle of all religions, and the scientific thirst for knowledge, the elimination of the element of the uncertainty. This last observation finds confirmation in the corresponding intensity of the gambling impulse and the religious sentiment in many races, and from a correspondence between this chance impulse and the scientific spirit in many peoples.

This study makes some contribution to ethics. "Conduct is the result of latent biological forces; much conduct being the forced expression of highly anabolic,

instinctive centers which have functioned through long previous periods in preserving the species. These resist for a long time regeneration, do not tend readily to become rudimentary, and hence are ever on the threshold of activity. Prohibition is impossible. If this activity is a menace to our present social conditions, substitutions must be offered. In other words, these instinct activities must be channelized into harmless courses."-Clemens J. FRANCE, in American Journal of Psychology, July, 1902. T. J. R.

The Objective Necessity of Progress.-Whenever we go out of the narrow circle of our individual life to enter a larger life, we are struck by the great amount of suffering that surrounds us. In order to reconcile the need of happiness with the impossibility of happiness under existing conditions, mankind of today has elaborated a belief in progress, and this belief is a weapon in the struggle for existence. It may be defined as the certainty existing in us that the life of humanity moves toward an increase of happiness on earth, and toward a more complete and harmonious development of the individual.

The essential, eternal character, so to speak, of life is harmony between everything that lives and the environment. A living creature can exist only so long as the phenomena that pass within it are in a certain degree of harmony with those that pass without. If the environment becomes more complex, the organism must in turn become more complex or perish. Take an individual and suppose that some new factor appears in his narrow and simple sphere. The existence of the individual presupposes that his mind reflects with sufficient fidelity the objects that surround him, and that he knows how to react advantageously upon his environment. When a new factor appears, it must necessarily be reflected in his psychic life and produce some opportune reaction. The complication of the environment necessarily entails the complication of the living being.

The external world constantly tends to destroy the established harmony between the living being and its immediate environment. If the modifications which a new factor brings into the system of established relationships are too sharp, the organism perishes. If the conditions of existence change in a less violent manner, the organism, after a crisis more or less severe, succeeds in adapting itself to the new system of relationships. This necessarily causes a new complication in its organization. The more complex the organism, the easier it will be for it to avail itself of changes in the environment, and the better able it will be to protect itself against their harmful consequences. This is why, throughout the scale of living beings, the more elevated the organization, the better assured is the life of the organism, and the more independent it is of harmful changes in its environment.

It is in Spencer that we find the clearest and simplest definition of happiness: it is correspondence between the organism and its environment. Every organism tends to attain this correspondence. When this end is reached, life is pursued with the least possible expenditure of forces, without difficulty, without sharp interruptions. Subjectively, this correspondence expresses itself by the sentiment of happiness. It results, from this definition, that happiness can be realized under as many forms as there are species of living beings, or even individuals.

The simpler the organism, the more accidental and the more fragile is the combination of circumstances that permit it to live. This fact may be observed in the lower stages of human life. We can easily conceive of perfect harmony between primitive groups and their environment, that is to say, perfect happiness. But it is also certain that this harmony, this happiness, is always very unstable. For example, if the principal occupation is the chase, the harmony can be interrupted by the disappearance of the animal that affords nourishment.

Changes in the environment of man will always take place. It results from this fact that one factor, at least, among those that constitute causes of suffering will always be present. But, in revenge, the human personality, in its progressive growth, will always seize more readily the variations in the environment and become adapted without a profound crisis. A consequence of this will be the progressive growth of the human personality parallel to the increasing complication of the social environment.

What is comprehended in the expression "the growth of the human individuality" "? It is, first, the development of the intellect, which permits man better to

understand his environment and to react upon it advantageously. It is, next, the appearance of more varied interests, and, consequently, greater richness and complexity of the entire life. In proportion as social differentiation progresses and the number of social circles of which the individual forms a part increases, the phases of life which appear interesting and important become more numerous.

While the modern civilized man is discontented with his existence, this is explained by the difficulties of the internal crisis that he is undergoing. It is not easy for him to become adapted to the new, more complicated conditions of existence. Civilized man is an unfinished type, yet in formation, im Werden, and consequently lacking harmony. This is why his reaction to the influences of his surroundings is so painful.

In résumé, the progressive complication and differentiation of society cause a growth and complication of the human individuality, at the same time that they create for it a greater stability. In this is the objective necessity for progress.-ALEXANDRE IAROTSKY, "Nécessité objective du progrès," in Revue internationale de sociologie, July, 1902. R. M.

Safeguarding Young Girls.-The international congress, which has just closed its sessions at Paris, proposed in the interest of public morality and for the protection of young girls important modifications of existing national and international law. La traité des blanches (the traffic in white girls) is the name applied in France to a secret method of importing girls from different countries through which to recruit houses of prostitution. From time to time, the sad history of individual girls recovered from houses of prostitution has shown what skilful methods of trapping were used to decoy them into the well-laid nets; but it is only since a number of earnest men and women in different countries took hold of the matter, coupled with official investigations, that the extent and systematic character of the nefarious trade have been apparent. The revelations made by an inquiry of the Home Office a few years ago were sufficient to alarm the societies organized for the protection of young girls, and to show them that new measures must be taken to meet an almost unsuspected condition. The organizers and promoters of this form of commerce adopt the most refined and plausible means of trapping their prey. A common method is to insert an advertisement in various foreign journals for governesses, teachers, domestics, nurses, or shop girls. Arriving at her destination, the young girl is met by the agent, who regrets to inform her that the place she had come to fill has already been taken, but assures her that there will be another opportunity in a few days. Meanwhile, he suggests that she go to a hotel which he can recommend. At the end of some days they let her know what is expected of her. If she refuses, she is presented with a bill for board and lodging and is told that she cannot leave until she has paid her bill. Of course, the bill is made larger than the small sum of money which the girl possesses. She is strictly watched; she is incapable of effecting her escape. Deception, threats, and, in some cases, force may be employed to complete her subjection.

Germany is the only country in which legislation covers this form of crime. Though governments have been inactive, private philanthropic and protective societies have done a great deal to warn young girls in their own countries against undertaking such emigration, and to protect them on arrival in a strange land. Thus in all the European railways one may now find notices to girls traveling alone warning them against confiding in strangers and informing them where they may find shelter and protection in the large cities. L'Union Internationale des Amies de Jeune Fille has been organized for some twenty years, and, with a central bureau at Neuchatel, has agents and committees all over Europe, and has established homes in various cities. A Catholic union for the same purpose was founded in 1896, and is also well organized. Both of these international organizations work in harmony. In London the National Vigilance Association has been more recently organized to study and apply means to furnish more perfect protection. However, it is evident that the authority and co-operation of the various governments must be secured for the repression of the traffic. This has been the character and the aim and the object of the congress just held at Paris.

The first two articles in the convention which have been signed by the delegates and are to be submitted to their governments for their ratification, embody important

changes in the criminal codes of the various countries. Article I provides that whoever, to satisfy the passions of another, shall allure, entice, or lead away, even with her consent, a girl who is a minor, with a view to effect her seduction, shall be subject to punishment, even though the different acts which constitute the infraction may have been accomplished in different countries. A second article provides for punishment of those who by fraud, menace, or the aid of violence, or by any other means of constraint, have enticed for immoral purposes a girl or woman who has reached or passed the age of majority, even, as in the first case, when the illegal acts may have been committed in different countries.

Students of international law will recognize the important elements involved in the provision that the different countries shall no longer be prohibited from prosecuting an offender because the different acts constituting the offense have been committed in different countries.

The congress has expressed the opinion that the age in which the law should consider a girl as major for the disposition of her physical person should be the same age as that fixed for civil majority.

The protocol has been signed by delegates of the governments of Germany, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Fance, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, Norway, Sweden, Holland, Switzerland, Portugal, and Brazil. Much disappointment was expressed that the United States, though formally invited, had not sent an official delegate to the congress.—S. J. B., in Evening Post (New York). R. M.

The Condition of the Working Class in Russia.-A lack of information and of statistics makes complete knowledge of the condition of the working class in Russia impossible. But some notion of this condition can be had from the meager statistics and a study of how the laborers are living. In speaking of the industrial class in general, there must be noted two chief classes: first, those industrials that carry on small trades in their own homes in the country districts; and, second, those whose homes are in the country, but who go to the towns to work during the winter, returning to their farms at the beginning of agricultural work in the spring. The number of this second class is constantly decreasing, as the proportion of the population that owns its own home is decreasing. They remain in the towns working throughout the year. It is the primary purpose of this paper to study the condition of this second class of workingmen, as they have come to be employed in what Le Play has denominated fabriques collectives.

1. As to the length of the workday.- The two factors upon which the length of the work day depends are the development of the technique and the standard of life among the laborers. One may expect, therefore, to find the length of the workday to be long in Russia, for the technique is not highly developed and the standard of living is low. A severe political system has greatly hindered the development of this class by punishing with banishment or long imprisonment those trying to form unions or lead movements for the bettering of the laborer's condition. Despite these unfavorable surroundings, the Russian industrials are making some gains, and there are better days before them.

The law of 1897, following the great strike of 1896 in St. Petersburg, was a material and moral victory for the workingmen. The material returns, however, have been slight, because the efficacy of the law has been practically defeated by its malinterpretation and amendment. But the moral victory means much in that the workingmen have become conscious of their possible power, and both the government and the employers have been made aware of their claim to consideration. The fact that the law made eleven and one-half hours the length of the workday can only mean that men had been required to work very long hours indeed. This inference is verified by some statistics at command. In 1880 more than twelve hours were required in 20 per cent. of the factories; twelve hours or less were required in 80 per cent. In 1894 to 1895 twelve hours were demanded in 20 per cent. of the factories; more than eleven but less than twelve hours were demanded in 46 per cent.; while eleven hours or less were demanded in 34 per cent. But if the hours were long in the great factories, they were much longer in the home industry, ranging from fourteen hours to eighteen or nineteen. These excessive hours show their effect in the physical weakness of the laborers and in the high rate of mortality among them.

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