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A more serious criticism, however, must be made on the book from a pedagogical point of view. Its arrangement cuts across the best ideas as to the proper method of approach to the subject. Ordinarily it is assumed that a student should first become familiar with the forms of government with which he is in close touch, and enlarge his circle of knowledge from the local to the general. The best pedagogy would presuppose a knowledge of the existing system of government, and its working, for the best results in a further study of the history and growth of the system. To open up with a description of the general theory of the state, and to follow this with a long historical account of the growth of a system whose main features are not yet presented to the pupil, is likely to result in mere memorizing and in a confusion of ideas.

The "Topics of the Day," which are discussed in the last part of the book, are subjects which high-school pupils ought to discuss and to know something about, but they are out of place in a text-book on civics. The political economy is fragmentary and superficial.

The questions and references at the end of each chapter are excellent and will prove helpful both to teacher and pupil. There are some typographical errors that catch the reader's eye; they are so few, however, that they would not be worth mentioning were they not so important in character. As examples we may instance "Nicholay" for Nicolay, p. 157; "Wanbaugh" for Wambaugh, p. 19; "Giffin" for Giffen, p. 484.

In the hands of a thoroughly qualified teacher the book may be used to good advantage, but it will prove embarrassing in its riches to any other.



Democracy and Social Ethics. By JANE ADDAMS. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1902. Pp. 277.

THE ripest expression of the long experience, brooding thought, creative sympathy, daily contact with all sorts and conditions of men, and varied service comes to us in these chapters on democracy and social ethics. Here is made articulate the unconscious movement of the educated American toward a social standard of moral obligations. "Thus the identification with the common lot which is the essential idea of democracy becomes the source and expression of social ethics."

Individualistic ideals in industry, politics, and religion have been so over-emphasized, as in Benjamin Franklin's gospel of salvation by savings banks, and the popular revivalist's method of salvation by individual escape from future torments, that the ideals of social ethics find us unprepared and perplexed in face of the peremptory claims of solidarity.

This perplexity is finely illustrated in the chapters on charitable effort, domestic relations, industrial amelioration, educational and political reforms. The careless reader is likely to miss the point of view in this delicate and indirect treatment of our egoism. Out of a multitude of personal observations made upon a heterogeneous population and upon a host of philanthropists who have crossed her path, Miss Addams selects her illustrations of our mental distress and fumbling in the dark. Readers who do not already know the author and her work may be inclined to conclude that she is too much in sympathy with the socialistic tendencies of her neighbors; that, instead of lifting them up, she has fallen to their level of social philosophy. The rarely sympathetic interpretation of the support of a corrupt ward politician by her neighbors at times almost reads as if she were condoning a crime. But if the "bourgeois" reader penetrates the chapter, he will, perhaps to his dismay and confusion, discern that the "upper classes" are doing precisely what the Italian laborers are doing, and with far less excuse.

The chapter on "Education" is full of illustrations of the fact that the employing and successful classes have hardly a suspicion of the real needs of a working population; and that the public-school system itself is held down because it is regarded as a tool of trade and manufactures, and a means of making efficient instruments of employers. The demands of social ethics are slowly and grudgingly accepted. A critic of this book says: "What are those who have the requisite sentiment to strive for in industrial, political, social, and other relations? Social ethics must answer these questions. Miss Addams ignores them and-renders no conclusion." To which Miss Addams might well reply that she has made many suggestions of a positive character as to things which a community ought to do; and, further, that we already have many volumes on social policies which go wide of the mark because they lack insight into the ideals and aspirations of the people and their real needs. One who writes a book of less than one hundred pages can assume that the works of program-makers are already acces

sible, and that it is legitimate to place beside them the fresh and original results of personal study.


Chapters in the History of the Arts and Crafts Movement. By OSCAR LOVELL TRIGGS. Chicago : Published by the Bohemia Guild of the Industrial Art League, 1902. Pp. 198.

IN sumptuous form comes from the Lakeside Press a plea for the union of daily labor with the happiness of the workman, the beauty of the product, and the satisfaction of the buyer. The treatment is that of a literary critic throughout. Carlyle, Ruskin, and Morris are the heroes of the story, and the author summarizes his social and artistic creed in the closing pages, in a direct statement of the immediate objects of the Industrial Art League.

There is no pretense of offering a complete and final social philosophy. In a general way "socialism" is represented as the goal of modern thinking and striving; but what is "socialism"? It is at this point the student of social science, and especially of economics, feels the contrast between the poetry of the literary man and the requirements of accurate scientific reasoning. Yet, if there seems to be a conflict between the author's praise of guilds and handicraft and his appreciation of machinery, the conflict may after all lie in social experience itself; for the process of adjustment is not yet worked out in life.

In any case it is refreshing to have our American Philistines, adorers of exports of raw products and steam-driven machinery, stung through thick and leathery skins by the satire of the artist; to hear them told that we may sell watches and engines in Europe and yet fall short of being quite civilized. And it is wholly sane and inspiring to remind us that it is not the material output of a factory or mill which gives glory to a nation; but that the decisive factor is the kind of men and women who get their living in the factory and mill, and whose blood and flesh are ground up to make "profits."

If the author has left out of sight nearly all the serious economic difficulties of the problem, as the pressure of population, the burden of inheritance, the slowness with which managerial ability is produced, the exact way by which his fine ideals are to be put into effect on a

large scale, we must not blame him overmuch; for one cannot bestow all his wisdom in the compass of two hundred pages with wide margins, and the publication of all extant wisdom must ever remain a task for division of labor and co-operative enterprise. Enough for us that the arts and crafts movement is shown to have its place and its task in the world of social experiment, and that men are found ready to make sacrifices for it.


The Science of Penology. Collated and systematized by HENRY M. BOIES. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1901. Pp. 459.

THERE are two points of merit in this publication: the book is a record of the observations and meditations of a man of experience, and the conclusions reached are summarized in a working program at the end. The limits of the claim are frankly stated on the title page, "collated and systematized." The materials have apparently all been published in earlier works; but the opinions expressed have the weight of a careful witness who has acted for years as a member of the Board of Public Charities in Pennsylvania.

The author thinks (p. 4) that penology is "the main trunk of sociology," because "protection from violence and crime was the origin of all law."

The failure of all penal law is affirmed in terms too strong; for the author himself (p. 16) tells us that, whereas, in former ages, all men were what we should describe as criminal, now only 2 per cent. of the population has this anti-social character.

Most of us may agree with Mr. Boies in favoring the indeterminate or "indefinite" sentence, if carefully guarded; but it is not certain that this principle is approved abroad by most penologists (p. 143). His plan of control for persons conditionally released is worthy of consideration, because it introduces the German idea of judicial supervision, removes the power from the purely administrative officers, and thus breaks the force of many objections urged by lawyers and judges.

The statement that the "crank" and "treadmill" have "long" been abandoned (p. 264) is not correct; for the present writer saw both of them in use in London in 1895.

The treatment of the prison labor question is sane and careful, although many will object to his recommendation of machinery in penitentiaries.

The suggestion of having an "orphanage" in a female reformatory (p. 297) is startling in the form presented, and it should be more carefully limited.

While there are some repetition and prolixity, the style, on the whole, is clear and strong; and not many careful students will reach decisions on the topics discussed without consulting these chapters.


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