cluded with an intimation that if the government would promise to undertake the question next session, he would not press the bill.

Mr. Algernon Egerton seconded the motion, declaring his opinion that such a plan as had been propounded offered the only chance of promoting popular education in large towns, especially in Manchester.

Mr. Henley, on the contrary, opposed the bill, and complained that Mr. Bruce, though he had shown that the present system did not attract all the children in the country to school, had not proved that it was a failure, that school accommodation was deficient, or that his bill would fill the schools better. Ho dilated on the injustice of taxing those who were already subscribing largely to schools of their own, for the support of a system of which their consciences would not allow them to avail themselves; and objected to the bill that it would destroy the voluntary principle, would shut up all the existing schools, and must finally lead to a secular system, as in the United States, where the rating principle had originally been established along with a religious education. He pointed out various objections to the rating clause, and urged that our present system, if time were only given, would attain all the benefits which were desired.

Mr. W. E. Forster observed that the bill merely allowed those great communities which had come to the conclusion that it was only by the rating principle they could grapple satisfactorily with their educational destitution, to adopt it, and gravely warned the house that this was, after all, a question of the industrial supremacy of the country. Dealing with Mr. Henley's objections, he denied that the bill would break up the existing means of education, because every existing school would be entitled to share in the rates, if it gave a good secular education; and he argued that, so far from leading to a general system of secular education, there were securities in the bill against such a system, and additional facilities for the establishment of denominational schools. As to the objection which no doubt would be taken to these schools, that they would work under a conscience clause, he maintained that the conscience clause was a purely theoretical, and rather a parliamentary than a practical question, and that many of the clergy were coming fast to the opinion that it would be sufficient for them to attend to religious education, leaving secular education to others. The large extension of the suffrage which was now being made, and the extension of the factory acts recently proposed by Mr. Walpole, including some half-million of children, made it more necessary that the great towns should have this permissive power given to them.

Mr. Hardy, though quite sensible of the shortcomings described by Mr. Bruce, agreed with Mr. Henley that they could be dealt with by the present system, which, for the comparatively short period of its existence, had made immense progress, both as to the number of schools and of scholars. The rating principle, he pointed out, had frequently been proposed before, but had been strenuously opposed as destructive of the voluntary principle and involving a secular system, and as the recognised defect was not in the means of education provided, but in the attendance of the scholars, arising from the apathy of the parents, he argued that the rating principle by itself, without the addition of a power to compel attendance, would not effect very much; and he agreed with Mr. Henley that the bill would lead to the extinction of existing schools, and that the powers given to the school committees would leave very little security that the schools might not be taken away from the denominations to which they belonged. As to the course of the government, he stated that they were not prepared to assent to the second reading of the bill, nor would he pledge them to bring in a bill next session, though he acknowledged that the failure of the present system to reach large classes was a pressing question,

and that if the factory bills now before the house were passed, it would be only just that parliament should do something to provide that education which was indispensable for certain employments.

Mr. Gladstone expressed his dissatisfaction with Mr. Hardy's declaration, believing that it was necessary now to review the results of our present system, which he showed by statistics worked very unequally, concluding that what was needed was not a few secondary improvements of its details, but some comprehensive measure which would effect a national object. One of the shortcomings of the present system, was the feebleness of the religious feelings which it had produced, and in proof of this he instanced the slender proselytizing influence the schools had exercised in recruiting the ranks of the Church of England (though the clergy had to a considerable extent a monopoly of them), and in increasing the attendance at church. He argued that full scope was given by the bill to the denominational schools, and maintained that the opposition of the government arose from their hostility to the conscience clause.

Mr. Bazley gave his cordial support to the bill. The debate was brought to a close by the termination of the sitting.

The annual vote for education was moved by Lord Robert Montagu, the vice-president of the committee of council, the amount required being 705,8657. The noble lord stated that there was a small increase of 11,3357. over last year, and that during the year there had been eighty school-rooms built, fifty school-rooms enlarged, and sixty-one teachers' residences built. The number of schools inspected was 13,586; there were on the books 1,510,871 children, and of these 1,287,000 had been presented at the inspections, 664,000 had been presented for examination, and five-sixths of these had passed in reading, writing, and arithmetic. There were 42,700 scholars in night schools, showing a marked increase over previous years.

There was but little discussion on the education estimates, but on all hands much satisfaction was expressed with the increase of night schools, and of the number of their pupils. It did not occur to any honourable or right honourable gentlemen to verify the importance of night schools from their proved utility in Ireland, where they had been used on an extended scale, even in promoting classics, mathematics, and mercantile education.

THE FACTORY EXTENSION ACT.

The working classes had a larger share than usual of the attention of the house. "The Factory Act Extension" was very noticeable in this way. It regulated the hours of labour in towns, in many trades not carried on in what were called factories. It also regulated the mode of conducting trade processes where they had previously been injurious to the health of the workers. Women received a measure of protection in the instances in which they were overworked.

'AGRICULTURAL GANGS ACT.

Another measure was intended for the relief of agricultural servants more especially. In the east of Eng land, the children of the peasantry had been subjected to great moral and physical injury. A commission of inquiry had brought the evil before the whole public. It appeared that the labour of children was contracted for by cultivators of land, and gangs of children, sometimes very young, were collected, and marched morning and evening to and from the scene of their labours for great distances, subject to all weathers, ill clad, ill fed, beaten, and the female children demoralised. An act was passed to regulate the employment of children in agricultural districts, and thereby to protect them from hardship and wrong.

THE METROPOLITAN PARKS.

The right of the people to hold public meetings in the parks for political purposes became the subject of very warm discussion in both houses; a meeting having been actually held of a multitudinous description in Hyde Park on the 7th of May, which was conducted with order and the people separated peaceably. It was contended by Liberal members that as the meeting was held for reform, it could not be held to be illegal; while on the other hand the Conservative members and "the Adullamites" (as a section of the high Whigs was called) contended that the home secretary, Mr. Walpole, had acted without the decision necessary to his office. In one of these debates, shortly before the day fixed for the reform league meeting, Mr. Bright asserted with great energy the lawfulness and propriety of the intended demonstration. He contended that it was not unlawful for the people to enter the park, and to stand shoulder to shoulder if they were numerous. Nor was it unlawful for them to speak in a loud voice and for others to listen. He believed that government had acted illegally last year, and he trusted that similar measures would not again be resorted to. The question of reform was exciting great interest out of doors, and the objects of the meeting might be very useful and important. Meetings of a most orderly character had been held throughout the country, and it was monstrous that there could not be a similar meeting in a London park, without honourable members coming down and worrying the home secretary to swear in special constables, and to take measures as if London were about to be sacked. He deprecated the swearing in of special constables, which, he said, would set class against class, and create a breach which it would take years to heal. The character of the people was a sufficient guarantee that there would be no breach of the peace; and if the government did not needlessly and rashly interfere, nothing would happen of which the English people need be in the slightest degree ashamed.

Mr. Secretary Walpole said the government had no wish to interfere with the holding of public meetings for political purposes, but they disputed the right to hold them in the royal parks, which were maintained for the general enjoyment and recreation of the people. The holding of a public meeting in the park was not a criminal act, but was a trespass which the authorities were justified in preventing. He regretted that the reform league had not accepted the warning given to them by the government, but if they persisted in holding their meetings in Hyde Park they would be solely responsible for any breach of the peace that might ensue. The gates of the parks would not be closed, but the people would have free access; and he hoped their good sense would induce them to respect the law of the land, and not attempt to hold a meeting.

Mr. Gladstone drew a broad distinction between assuming responsibility on the part of the house for any step the government might take in the exercise of their legal rights, and the duty of supporting the authorities in maintaining the law. Assemblages of people for the discussion and manifestation of opinion with regard to parliamentary reform had no doubt exercised a material influence upon the position which the question now occupied; and it should not be forgotten that the people had been charged with being indifferent to reform. There was no reason for imposing unnecessary restraint upon the holding of public meetings, but that must be qualified by considerations as to time and place. He gathered that it was the intention of the government to allow the parks to remain open, but to prohibit the holding in them of political meetings. He would advise the people to conform to the wishes of the government, and to respect them as the administrators of the law, reserving to themselves power to raise the question of right hereafter in a legal and regular manner.

The chancellor of the exchequer said the intention of the government was not to close the parks. He did not admit, however, that there was any doubt as to the legal rights of the government; and if a civil trespass were committed, there were various modes by which the question might be set at rest. In the meantime the government had taken every precaution to preserve the public peace.

Mr. Walpole, though his intentions were admitted to be excellent, was thought to have been deficient in energy, and the feeling on this point was so general as to induce that gentleman to resign the scals of the home office, although he continued to be a member of the cabinet. These occurrences were brought under notice in the House of Lords a few days after the meeting took place by Earl Cowper, who, having moved for a copy of the notice issued by the home office, censured the course taken by the authorities, as inflicting a heavy blow on the respect for the law and its administrators, while he alleged that nothing could have been more satisfactory than the conduct of the people.

The Earl of Derby explained the circumstances under which the government had acted. So far as the home secretary was concerned, ho was anxious to relieve his right hon. friend from the blame which in some quarters had been cast upon him, and he added that owing to the onerous nature of the duties which had devolved on Mr. Walpole, that right hon. gentleman had tendered the resignation of his office, which he (Lord Derby) had been reluctantly compelled to submit to the Queen. As to the law regulating the use of the parks, in July last the then law officers of the crown gave it as their opinion that persons entering the parks, and holding meetings there for public discussions, would be acting as trespassers, and that the authorities would have a right to expel them, but that each individual case of trespass must be dealt with separately. The reform league hav ing announced their intention to try the question of legal right judicially, the government abstained from introducing a bill on the subject last year. After justifying the measures taken by the government in reference to the late demonstration in Hyde Park, the noble earl said it was intended to take legal steps against one or more of the council of the league, on whom the government prohibition had been served, for the purpose of trying the question. Moreover, a bill now stood for second reading in the House of Commons, the object of which was not to confer any rights upon the crown, but simply to give it power to enforce the rights it now possessed. The noble earl also repudiated the idea that the course of the government had been vacillating and uncertain. It was the only one open to them; and although it might have subjected them to some humiliation in the eyes of the public, yet he claimed credit for the moderation and forbearance which had been displayed.

Earl Russell held that the conduct of the ministers had exposed the dignity of the crown to unparalleled contempt. Of Mr. Walpole's abilities he entertained a very high opinion; but under all the circumstances, and notwithstanding that the whole government were responsible for the course adopted with respect to the late meeting, he was glad that the right hon. gentleman had resigned. What the government ought to have done was to have dealt frankly with the people, by informing them what was the real state of the law on the subject. In his opinion the meetings in the parks might safely be left to the discretion of the people, and he hoped the government would not proceed with their bill.

The ministers, however, considered it their duty to persevere in their attempt to obtain a legislative declaration of the illegality of using the parks for the purposes of political discussion; and Mr. Gathorne Hardy, who had succeeded Mr. Walpole at the home office, showed considerable energy in pressing forward the bill brought, in with this object. On moving the second reading he stated the provisions of the intended measure, which

measure.

CLOSE OF THE SESSION.

On the 21st of August parliament was prorogued by commission. The commissioners nominated for the high functions were the Dukes of Richmond and Beaufort, and the Earls of Devon and Bradford; and, as is usual on all such occasions, the lord chancellor read the following "Queen's speech:"

My lords and gentlemen,—I am happy to be enabled to release you from the labours of a long and more than usually eventful session, and to offer you my acknowledgments for the successful diligence with which you have applied yourselves to your parliamentary duties. "My relations with foreign countries continue on a friendly footing.

"At the commencement of the present year great fears were entertained that differences which had arisen between France and Prussia might have led to a war of which it was impossible to foresee the ultimate result. Happily the advice tendered by my government and by those of the other neutral states, aided by the moderation of the two powers chiefly interested, sufficed to avert the threatened calamity; and I trust that no ground at present exists for apprehending any disturbance of the general peace.

"The communications which I have made to the reigning monarch of Abyssinia, with a view to obtain the release of the British subjects whom he detains in his dominions, have, I regret to say, thus far proved ineffectual. I have, therefore, found it necessary to address to him a peremptory demand for their immediate liberation, and to take measures for supporting that demand, should it ultimately be found necessary to resort to force.

"The treasonable conspiracy in Ireland, to which I nave before called your attention, broke out in the early part of the present year in a futile attempt at insurrection. That it was suppressed almost without bloodshed, is due not more to the disciplined valour of my troops, and to the admirable conduct of the police, than to the general loyalty of the population and the absence of any token of sympathy with the insurgents on the part of any considerable portion of my subjects. I rejoice that the supremacy of the law was vindicated without

imposing on me the painful necessity of sacrificing a single life.

"The bill for the abolition of certain local exemptions from taxation enabled me to avail myself of a liberal concession made, in anticipation, by the Emperor of the French, whereby several taxes were removed which pressed heavily upon British shipping.

"I have concluded a postal convention with the United States of America, whereby the rate of postage between the two countries will be diminished by onehalf, and further arrangements are in progress for intercourse between this country and the continent of North America.

"The Act for the Union of the British North American Provinces is the final accomplishment of a scheme long contemplated, whereby those colonies, now combined in one dominion, may be expected not only to gain additional strength for the purposes of defence against external aggression, but may be united among themselves by fresh ties of mutual interest, and attached to the mother-country by the only bonds which can effectually secure such important dependencies-those of loyalty to the crown and attachment to British connection.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,-I thank you for the liberal supplies which you have voted for the public service.

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"My Lords and Gentlemen, I have great satisfaction in giving my assent to a Bill for Amending the Representation of the People in Parliament. I earnestly trust that the extensive and liberal measure which you have passed may effect a durable settlement of a question which has long engaged public attention; and that the large number of my subjects who will be for the first time admitted to the exercise of the elective franchise may, in the discharge of the duties thereby devolved upon them, prove themselves worthy of the confidence which parliament has reposed in them.

"It is gratifying to me to find that the lengthened consideration which you have necessarily given to this important question, has not prevented your entering on many subjects to which your attention was directed at the commencement of the session, and particularly to such as have immediate reference to the well-being of the industrial classes.

"I have had especial pleasure in giving my assent to bills for extending to various trades, with such modifications as have been found necessary, the provisions of the Factory Acts, the success of which has proved the possibility of combining effectual protection to the labour of women and children with a due consideration for the interests of the trades immediately concerned.

"I confidently anticipate from the operation of the present Acts the same improvement in the physical, social, and moral condition of the working classes which has been found to accompany the application of the Acts to those trades to which they have been hitherto confined.

"The restraints alleged to be imposed on workmen and their employers by trades' unions and other associations appeared to me to call for inquiry; and the revelations derived from the examinations before the commission, to which you gave your legislative sanction, have disclosed a state of things which will demand your most earnest attention.

"The administration of the poor laws, which generally has conferred great benefit on the community, and especially on the poor themselves, requires constant supervision; and I have readily assented to a bill which, applied to the metropolis alone, will tend to equalise the pressure of taxation, and improve the treatment of the || sick poor, whose condition will be greatly benefited by your well-considered legislation.

"The bill for the Regulation of the Merchant Shipping contains important provisions calculated to add to the health and comfort of those engaged in the mercantile marine.