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care and in education, should surely be capable
of generating improved productivity performance.

(b) In significant part, inflation in most recent
times has resulted from cartel pricing procedures
associated with increasing scarcity of worldwide
supplies of various natural resources. Indeed,
the increased costs arising from this circumstance
have yet to make their way throughout our economy.
In the light of these restrictions, only new tech-
nologies which substitute cheap, abundant materials
for relatively rare and costly materials can hope
to remove this contribution to the inflation pro-
cess in the long term.

In both categories, it seems likely that the federal government will find it necessary to stimulate these processes and, in some part, to support the relevant research and development.

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Of special note are the growing dimensions of the interrelated world population/food/health/natural resources/environment problems that could confront the United States with major issues ranging from the demands and political effects of mass starvation to undesirable dependence on foreign governments for supplies of critical raw materials. An emerging problem derives from the evidence for a lung-term climatic shift which may seriously threaten worldwide agricultural production. As the immense, rapidly growing populations of the developing nations find their "development" increasingly threatened by inadequate food supplies and the frustrations of painfully slow economic growth, the United States can find itself surrounded by worldwide political instability. In that situation, the combination of American agricultural surplus together with American scientific and technological know-how must become critical assets in our relations with these nations. The manner in which these assets are utilized to assist developing nations in their quest for self-sustaining economic development can become critical to the maintenance of world order. Indeed, the stance to be taken by the United States in the near future at the United Nations and other

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international forums could be a turning point for good or otherwise, in charting our future course in these troubled waters.

In recent years, science and technology have played a prominent role in bilateral discussions and in agreements between the United States and foreign countries, largely stemming from Presidential initiatives undertaken for our own foreign policy purposes. Expanded arrangements for exchanges of scientific personnel, for cooperative research, and for exchange of scientific and technical information have been made with the developed nations of Eastern Europe, with various smaller developing nations, and seem likely to be prominent in the next round of negotiations with China. As evident in Secretary Kissinger's recent statements at the United Nations and in Mexico City, science and technology will play an increasingly prominent role in international affairs generally and in the furthering of our foreign policy.

This situation reflects the uniquely strong position of the United States in science and technology, a position which can be utilized as an asset in influencing foreign countries to move in directions consistent with the American view of our global interests. The resulting series of ad hoc arrangements now involve the outflow of scientific and technical information and technological capability from the United States to foreign countries through both government and private industry. At the same time it must be recognized that there are security and long-term economic considerations that must operate to constrain this flow. There is need, therefore, for an overall assessment of the costs and benefits of such technology transfers with a view to developing a strategic approach and guidelines for future arrangements including strengthened organizational capabilities for sustained backup of our foreign commitments as these involve science and technology.

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Many of the central issues concerning national security policies and programs entail very high scientific and technological content. They range from the technical soundness of costly new weapon systems to

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judgments on the technical feasibility of alternative measures for arms limitation. The wise management of these problems will have great bearing on future federal budgets and the quest for national security. It is essential that the President have available a source of scientific and technological analyses and counsel that is independent of the defense and intelligence agencies. The experience of the past with the former science and technology advisory mechanism in the White House amply demonstrated the value of such independent judgment to the Office of the President.

Mr. HANDLER. It contains, Mr. Chairman, as an appendix, a statement which was submitted to President Ford shortly after his assumption to office, and I hope that that appendix can be part of the record. Chairman TEAGUE. It will be made a part of the record.

Mr. HANDLER. Finally, I have with me a paper, hot off the press, a publication called "Vital Issues" which is published for the Center for Information on America. The title of this article is "Science and the Presidency." It was prepared by my colleague, Mr. David Z. Beckler, who is in the room, and is about the very subject which your bill has addressed. I wonder whether it too might be placed in the record. Chairman TEAGUE. Without objection, it will be placed in the record. [The document referred to is as follows:]

Vital Issues

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(REG. U.S. PAT. OFF.)

A service of the

CENTER FOR INFORMATION ON AMERICA
WASHINGTON, CONNECTICUT 06793

Volume XXIV, Number 9

SCIENCE AND THE PRESIDENCY
On Tap But Not on Top?

by David Z. Beckler

(Mr. Beckler is Assistant to the President of the National Academy of Sciences. For two decades, he was Executive Officer of the President's Science Advisory Committee and senior assistant to all six Presidential Science Advisers.)

Although science and technology have been prime movers in our society for more than 100 years, a characteristic that distinguishes the U.S. from other industrialized countries, the formulation of policies and programs to develop and utilize this resource has not been fully accepted as a Presidential function. It has taken extraordinary events such as wars, missile threats, environmental and energy crises to institutionalize science and technology policymaking in the office of the President.

Two years ago, President Nixon abandoned the science and technology apparatus that had been in the President's office in one form or another for some 20 years. Through a Reorganization Plan submitted to the Congress, he terminated the Office of Science and Technology in the Executive Office of the President. In parallel, he abolished the White House post of Science Adviser to the President and accepted the resignations of the members of the President's Science Advisory Committee.

Although certain of the Presidential science advisory functions continue to be performed by the Director of the National Science Foundation, the wisdom of the President's decision has been debated by the public and within the Congress with increasing intensity since President Ford took office. Shortly after Vice President Rockefeller was confirmed, the President asked him "to study the question of whether the system of a White House science adviser, or a board of advisers, should be revived, and if so, in what form. And the President asked that this be done rather quickly and to have his recommendations on the question of a new science adviser, or an advisory board, in a month or so from now."

The following views are intended to provide perspective of the problems involved in the hope of stimulating an awareness of the issues and constructive thought on possible courses of action.

EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE Henry S Commager Professor of History. Amherst College: Richard W Cort-
right. Division of Instruction and Professional Development. National Education Association Sister Sarah Fasenmyer
Dean School of Education Catholic University of America. James W Fesler Professor of Government. Yale Univer
sity. Eric F Goldman, Professor of History. Princeton University. Philip Handler. President of the National Academy of
Sciences Richard I Miller, Associate Director of Programs Illinois Board of Higher Education Robert Spiller, Professor
Emeritus of English. University of Pennsylvania and Past President of the American Studies Association
EDITOR Townsend Scudder President of the Center

First Printing. May. 1975 Copyright 1975 by The Center for Information on America, A non-profit and non-partisan educational corporation.

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