benefits of the French military expedition, and also of the pecuniary assistance received from the Emperor of Russia, and the king of France. It alludes, in general terms, to the conferences with the ambassadors of the allies at Poros, and to information there required and given. It says, "I deem it useless to address you concerning the causes, which have prevented the complete execution of the laws of the assembly of Epidaurus, of Astraea and Troezene. We are of opinion that the same causes will operate so long as formal treaties do not determine the boundary of the Greek territory, and our rela. tions with the mediating powers, and with the Ottoman Porte." it is apparent, that since the protocol of the conference of the 22d of March, 1829, the military operations of the Greeks, both by sea and land, had been arrested by the interposition of the allies. In January, however, General Church had taken the town of Vonitza, and the citadel surrendered about the 20th of March, by capitulation, as did the castle of Roumelia to Augustin Capo d'Istrias, the brother of the President, on the 26th of March. On the 9th of February, Mah. moud Pasha of Livadia, with a corps of 3000 infantry, and 500 horse, attacked the Greeks, commanded by the Chiliarch Vasso, in their intrenched camp near Tolanti. The Pasha was defeated with considerable loss. Two hundred prisoners, and three Turkish standards fell into the hands of the Greeks. Livadia and Thebes, where Omar Pasha commanded, were soon after evacuated by the Ottoman troops. On the 22d of April, Lepanto surrendered by capitulation, and Missolonghi and Anatolia, on the 29th of May. After the fall of Missolonghi, 3000 men of the Greek troops, from the siege, marched to reinforce the corps then blockading Athens, which yet remained in possession of the Turks. The operations were, however, soon after arrested, in deference to the wishes of the allied powers. Immediately The address gives also a statement of the receipts and expendi. tures of the government, from January, 1828, to the 30th of April, 1829. It mentions an effort made to nego. tiate a loan of sixty millions of francs, under the protection of the allies; and after reminding the assembly of the expectations of the country, of the allied powers, and of the civilized world, pointed at them, thus proceeds: "By comparing the past with the present, you will not find it difficult to put in prac. tice those wise measures, which may conduct the nation to that state of prosperity which is reserved for it by Divine Providence." From the passages here quoted, after the meeting of the assembly at Argos, General Church resigned his commission as commander-inchief of the forces of Greece. Such was the state of things when the peace between Russia and the Porte was signed at Adrianople. “Sistimus hic tandem." We here suspend our narrative. The allied powers, immediately after the peace, resumed their conferences, to determine the fate of Greece, and the result of their deliberations has not yet been made known. We have not heard, that a Grecian plenipotentiary has been admitted to participate in them; but we hope that the condition of the Greeks will not be prescribed to them without any consultation of their opinions, as well as of their interests. We believe that any settlement of the affairs of Greece, and of the Porte, founded upon the European balance of power, will last but for a day. "Delenda est Carthago." The total expulsion of the Koran and its Kaliph from Europe, is sealed in the book of futurity; and to Russia alone it belongs, to break that seal. Greece will be now her powerful auxiliary to accomplish the work; and to secure her willing aid, Russia must look to Greece, not for a man, but for a nation. She must secure, and respect, and protect her inde. pendence. The peace of Adrianople, is the signal of a great com. mercial, as well as political revolution. For the freedom of the Euxine, all the commercial nations are indebted to Russia alone. To these United States, this consideration is perhaps more immediately interesting than any other. Let it warn them where to look for their friends, and where to expect their foes. In the fate of Greece, they have sympathized with a feeling equally intense and disinterested. Should a monarchical government, and a foreign prince, now be im. posed upon that nation, they will at least be relieved from the thraldom of subjection, or tribute to the Turks; and the day cannot be remote, when the more enlightened liberality of Russia will perceive, that Greece can never be happy, prosperous, nor grateful, without the blessing of a government, sanctioned by herself, and a free national representation. 41 VOL. III. 54 CHAPTER XVI. SPAIN. Political condition of Spain-Arbitrary and liberal parties-British policy-Camarilla-Royal volunteers-Portuguese affairs-Calamarde appointed Intendant of police-Insurrection in Catalonia-Ferdinand at Barcelona-Returns to Madrid-Removal of French troops-Debt to France-to England-Finances-American affairs-Earthquake. Even the improvements of the age, when coming under the countenance of a revolutionary dynasty, and supported by a French army, could not be rendered acceptable to a high-spirited nation. But the contest that ensued, though it resulted in the re-establishment of the Bourbon family upon the Spanish throne, left behind the seeds of new revolutions. The empire of Spain was no longer, what it was when the sun never set on her pos. sessions. Her former colonies were now independent states, and rather the cause of additional expense, than the source of an exhaustless revenue to the parent country. EVER Since the commencement hortations of their clergy, did not of the revolutionary contest in permit the solution. France, the condition of Spain has been unsettled. Notwithstanding the natural barriers that divide the two kingdoms, and the striking contrast between their respective national characters, the fortunes of France have always materially in fluenced the destiny of Spain; though the bigotry and inertness of the people, the power of the priesthood, and the direct interference of a foreign party in her domestic affairs, have prevented the latter from attaining the degree of prosperity and civil freedom to which the former has arrived, in her polítical career. What improvement might have been wrought in the internal condition of Spain, had Napoleon succeeded in extending his sway over the Peninsula, is a problem, of which the national spirit of the people, jealous of foreign usurpation, and stimulated by the ex The disordered state of the pub. lic finances had rendered the go. vernment inefficient; and when it manifested any vigour, it was irregular, and obviously a temporary and transient effort. The army was badly fed and clothed; the navy annihilated; and the government in all its branches, corrupt and disorganized. Whilst this state of things ren. dered reform necessary, the condition of the nation was itself favourable to political changes and convulsions. The army, the mercantile class, and indeed the inhabitants of the sea ports generally, were strongly imbued with liberal principles. Without any definite and precise notions of constitutional govern ment, they had a strong bias in favour of free institutions. The mass of the population constituted a different party. Catholic in religion, and strongly national in their character, they were easily enlisted on the side of an absolute government, connected indissolubly with an infallible church. In this condition, Spain seemed a fitting field for the contest between the conflicting parties which divided Europe. Their principles were here brought into direct collision. A people deprived of the reign. ing family, had instituted a new government in the midst of war, and in the very face of an overwhelming enemy, by which a portion of social and political freedom, (small indeed when compared with what is enjoyed in this favoured country,) but still a portion of civil liberty, was secured to the nation. After the victory was achieved, their sovereign, returning from a captivity which would have been endless without their glorious ef forts, placed himself at the head of the government. Refusing to recognise the constitution of 1812, Ferdinand, doubtless encouraged by his apostolic advisers, overturned the government of the Cor. tes, and assumed the absolute power and style of the ancient monarchs of Spain. The arbitrary proceedings which followed this usurpation, and the disorder into which his councils soon plunged the kingdom, led to a new revolution, and the constitu tion of 1812 was re-established in 1820. This establishment of liberal institutions, by a popular movement, was stigmatized in the continental courts, as revolutionary; and the armies of France were put in mo. tion, under the authority of the holy alliance, to reinstate Ferdinand in his absolute throne. The issue was now fairly made up between the opposite parties. On one side, were the advocates of absolute power, and an infallible church. They refered to the holy gospel as the source of sovereign authority; and relied on theological dogmas, for proof of the right of monarchs to rule, and of the pope to prescribe the bounds and objects of catholic faith. With them, the subject was but |