"If I Were President"

OST of my best ideas come from Dora. This one did. We were in the office discussing how to answer a letter in which The Searchlight was asked its view of what President Coolidge should have done in a certain matter.

We settled the point.

Then, being deeply interested, I launched into an exposition of the presidency. I threw the spotlight of machine politics upon it. I described the manipulations of professional politicians from precinct caucus to national convention. I stressed particularly the helplessness of the people. I dwelt upon the powers and opportunities of that position. For weal or woe immeasurable, I pictured the President of the United States as the mightiest potentate upon the face of the earth, he being, personally and politically, the dominant part of the American Government, with the tendency toward executive ascendency growing by leaps and bounds in every administration.

This extemporaneous outburst over, I turned to my desk.

"Wait a minute," said Dora; "just what would you do in that high office?"

"Make it less high and mighty," I responded. "If I were President, first of all I would use all the powers of that position to tear down those powers and rebuild them where they belong, upon a solider foundation of democracy."

"Go on," said Dora, who already had the idea. "I would decide and determine to be a one-term President."

"That would be easy," laughed Dora. "A Presi"I am not so sure," was my answer. dent with spunk and a real program might become so popular that he would have to fight against reelection. There ought never to be a reelected President, or the possibility of it-at least not until conditions are greatly changed. A second term is a temptation, a threat. No matter how thoroughly we might re-Americanize and safeguard our institutions, sooner or later some President would pervert them to machine building in order to keep the job for himself or his friends.

"But what I had more immediately in mind was this: A one-term President could, without jealousy, or any selfish fear of rivalry, choose as his executive associates the ablest, squarest, best-equipped men and women in the country. I would not permit in my Cabinet, or any lesser important office, a single person who did not possess qualifications superior to my own."

"A President big enough to do that might have difficulty finding subordinates bigger than he was,' remarked Dora. "Do you remember the fight they had in the constitutional convention over that very point-the issue of a second term?"

"Yes; and we ought to go back to that period for an understanding of other aspects of the presidency. Most important is the fact that the founders of the Republic placed by far the greater emphasis upon the legislative branch. In considering the Chief Executive, which they did exclusively on twentyone different days of the constitutional convention, there was no thought in any mind that this office would ever subordinate all else in our scheme of government.

"The first action of the constitutional convention with reference to the presidency was to adopt the amended resolution of Mr. Randolph (a part of the Virginia plan), which was:

Resolved, That a national executive be instituted, to be chosen by the national legislature for a term of seven years, to receive punctually, at stated times, a fixed compensation for the services rendered, in which no increase or diminution shall be made so as to effect the magistracy at the time of the increase or diminution; to be ineligible a second term; and that, besides a general authority to execute the national laws, it ought to enjoy the executive rights vested in Congress by the confederation.

"You will observe that the word 'it' was used. They were then thinking of the executive as an institution, rather than an individual.

"That was on May 29, 1787. By June 15th, the trend of their deliberations is further revealed by the resolution of Mr. Patterson, of New Jersey, which provided for a commission instead of a person. His proposal also vested the selection in Congress, repeated the prohibition against reelection (all of them did that), and made impeachment possible for 'malpractice or neglect of duty.'

"All the debate reveals just as clearly their ideas and intentions. Those statesmen foresaw and sought to guard against abuses of executive power. To them it was inevitable that a second term would lead to political evil. All their earlier proposals therefore prohibited reelection. Moreover, they favored an adequate measure of legislative control by first providing that the selection should be by Congress.

"Four different times the constitutional convention voted for election of the Chief Executive by the National Legislature. Once they approved a system of electors chosen by the State Legislatures. Finally, as a compromise, and only after repeated reconsiderations, there being more than thirty roll calls on the subject, they decided on the electoral college system, which has not worked out at all as the founders visioned its operation. If Congress, or the State Legislatures, had elected the President, such an agency, using its delegated powers, would have conformed to their best judgment. Likewise, they pictured an electoral college, elected much as legislators would be, with delegated power to choose the Chief Executive.

"Popular election of the Chief Executive was alien to their thought. They feared politics too

"Yes; I was coming to that. Washington probably changed the whole character of the presidency. Not that he did anything in that formative stage. It happened quite another way. Suddenly and, we may suppose, unanimously, those Constitution makers got the idea of him as the first President. He was outstanding. They had no fear of usurped or abused power in his hands. Because of the general understanding that he would fill the office, they let down in their vigilance, practically stopping consideration of safeguards. It was just and proper that he should have been made Chief Executive; yet it was a calamity for him to be virtually elected before they finished creating the position. Had Washington not been in the background, undoubtedly the presidency would have been made vastly safer for democracy."

"Would you now revitalize their method of election?" asked Dora.

"No; of course not. We have gotten beyond the possibility of a return to the intent of the Constitution, even if that were now to be preferred. The contrary idea of a popular selection is well established. We should accept that as the foundation, erect a common sense elections superstructure, make it workable, safeguard it against every evil. So, if I were President (that phrase kept coming naturally), I would at once make the unalterable decision not to be a candidate again. Instead of playing politics, I would set up an administration concerned solely with the problems of public service. Then I would undertake, conservatively and constructively, to make it absolutely impossible for any future Chief Executive to be or do otherwise."

"Good," said Dora; "but what are you smiling at?" "Oh, this suppose-I-were-President fancy gave rise to happy thoughts about a bread line for the political unemployed-bosses and such. It would mean hard times for them. My administration would begin with a panic, the only genuine, justified panic ever known-a panic among office seekers. When it came to spoils, there wouldn't be any-not even the tiniest, foot-crushed crumb of pie crust. I should not, directly or indirectly, permit partisanship, money contributions or menial campaign labors to be rewarded by the smallest job or a single penny of the people's money."

"How could you do it?" asked Dora.

"The trouble with the country," I reflected, "is not that it lacks statesmanship, but that its real statesmen are in private and not in public life. To politicians and they are almost exclusively in the saddle-public service has come to mean 'serve us.'

Out of politics has developed a hungry horde of self-seeking partisan parasites who grow gouty off the fats of ruling caste power. The best brains and purposes are in obscurity. It would be a difficult task to fill all appointive positions with men and women of the right character and capacity. I think I would go about it backwards, and unofficially—” "And, of course, unpolitically," suggested Dora; "but why 'backwards?'"

"Do you realize," said I, "the extent to which our public affairs have been prostituted by politics? What 'the powers that be' are doing amounts to a selling of offices in this country. Probably ninety per cent of all appointive positions are used to pay or incur purely political obligations, or to take care of some industrial interest that has bought and paid for official favors by campaign contributions. It's high time to put on the patronage brakes, and use the reverse gear. As a nation we have reached a deterioration of public life beyond which it is deadly dangerous to go; nor can we hope to cure this corruptive condition, or escape its evil consequences, by remaining where we are. The only effective remedy is to take patronage completely out of politics. There is no other way to demote politics from principal to agent in government."

"That sounds involved," remarked Dora.

"Not a bit; it's perfectly simple. If every citizen had seen what you and I have had an opportunity to observe here every day, there would be unanimous understanding that politics itself is the most menacing special interest with which the country has to contend. And what is it that enables politics to become and remain all powerful?-control of the Government-spoils, plunder, privileges. Of such are its food and drink, its diversions and exercise." "Correct," said Dora. "You have fairly and accurately located the outstanding evil. What's the remedy?"

"I would take away from politics, not some, but all of its sustaining plunder.

"How? It wouldn't be easy. And think of the storm it would raise! But, not being a candidate for reelection, and knowing my course was right, what would I care about tidal waves and earthquakes and tornadoes of political indignation. In a way it would be fun, dangerous fun. . . .

"I would not permit a Senator or Congressman, or a State Chairman, or any individual or group directly or indirectly connected with any office-seeking political organization, to have a syllable to say about a single appointment. I would create an unofficial Public Service Commission of the most prominent, public-spirited men and women in the country. I would turn over to that body advisory supervision over the selection of my Cabinet and all other appointive positions. These citizens would have no interest in politics, particularly partisan politics. Their only motive would be that of the public welfare."

"Who would compose this Commission?" asked Dora.

"I don't know, except as to the type. I should comb the country for the right kind of people. First I should get together a few antipolitical persons whom we know to be well-informed, unbiased, unbuyable and unafraid. I should seek their aid in making a survey of America to find suitable Commissioners in whom to place this share of the responsibility for putting end-in-itself politics out of business and making the public service what it ought to be."

(Later, when the idea of this book had taken shape, Dora made a suggestion which I pass on to the next President, whoever he may be. Said she: "Here is your nucleus for such a body-the joint authors of 'If I Were President."" "You are right." I agreed! "and just think what a Cabinet the next President could get out of that group!")

"Might they not, through a lack of information, sometimes recommend bad appointments?" was Dora's next query.

It

"Of course that would happen-at least occasionally. Such a method could not be infallible. might result in ten per cent of unsatisfactory results; but wouldn't that be far preferable to the existing system where probably less than ten per cent of the appointments promote the public good and the rest end-in-itself politics? I wouldn't make appointments except as my unofficial, non-political Public Service Commission gave counsel and sanction. Then, however, if I knew or discovered that any one recommended was incompetent, or too partisan, or might lean toward some selfish interest, I would wipe him or her off the slate."

"Wait a minute," objected Dora. "What if the next President picked improper persons to help make these appointments? A bad President might make a dreadful mess of things with that method."

"The next President wouldn't have to face any such problem," I answered. "My Public Service Commission would be only a necessary expedient, a kind of bridge to be used until permanent constructive changes could be worked out. If I were elected President, say in 1928, I should be forced to deal with this spoils menace in some such unofficial way. But it would be temporary, transient. I would at once make plans to have written into our laws and institutions a permanent solution of the whole problem. By the time the next President came along all that could be settled."

"What about postmasters?" asked Dora.

"Postmasters wouldn't be a political problem very long if I could exert sufficient influence to change the system. That should be wholly a local matter, to be settled by the ballot. I would urge Congress to provide by law for the election of all postmasters. Why not? Who is more interested than the immediate patrons? And if the people haven't the qualifications to choose such petty officials, how can you expect them rightly to exercise the franchise with respect to Governors, Congressmen and Presidents? Anyway, postmasters should be taken out of politics -all appointments should be taken away from poli

tics and that is what I would do in one way or another, chiefly in the beginning through such a Commission."

"What about the Senate's confirmatory power?" Dora wanted to know.

"That is in the Constitution. It ought to stay there. It is a safeguard that I should encourage to the fullest extent. Regardless of how many times Senators might decide contrary to my best judgment, I should never complain, or fail to recognize their responsibility in the matter. What should be guarded against is the political use of patronage by legislators for machine building. The public interest alone is paramount; no election element should ever intrude. Above all else, I would seek to bring about the fullest publicity on the part of the Senate in its consideration of appointments. I would set the example. I would say to that body: "This is allimportant public business. Here are my recommendations for appointments to executive positions. They have been investigated and approved by the citizens who are unofficially aiding me to secure the best possible selections. I am transmitting with each nomination all the results of our inquiries concerning his or her fitness-the evidence and the reasons supporting our choice. This data will be made public. To make the record complete, I hope and trust that your deliberations with reference to confirmation shall be completely in the open, with duly recorded proceedings. Then the people will know exactly the whys and wherefores of every appointment.' It is certain that all this would mean a long starvation period for the politicians." "Why do you say that?" inquired Dora.

"Do you think for a minute that the American people would ever consent to go back to the old spoils system after they had once had a taste of real, honest, efficient public service, based upon the principle of the man for the job, rather than that of a job for every man who had done or could do political wire-pulling? Not much! Besides, if I were President, I would undertake adequate constructive changes to hold and safeguard the gains made."

"How?" came from the eager, persistent question mark in front of me, who had already insisted several times that we go on and "talk it out."

"Let's come back to that," said I. "There is something that ought to be considered ahead of it-the vital matter of publicity, or, more broadly speaking, of public education. Do you remember what we had in The Searchlight recently?-that brief summing up of fundamentals, as follows:

"In a democracy, public opinion is the great force that counts. To be effective, both in this emergency and as a permanent safeguard, public opinion must have

"1. Complete and continuous information as to all the processes and personalities of government; and

"2. Adequate, up-to-date, easily workable instrumentalities through which to express the popular will in elections, legislation and the enforcement of law.

"Well, if I were President, that would be my platform so far as basic principles are concerned. We haven't any real democracy in America today because the people are too much in the dark as to how