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by overwhelming public sentiment after long discussion and full understanding.

The sinister thing about the Wadsworth Amendment is that it does not spring from any such public demand.

Observe this significant admission by Senator Wadsworth in his opening debate last spring (March 19, 1924, C. R., p. 4493):

"Some very well trained minds gave their attention to this matter long, long before I ever saw it in bill form; and it was not until after weeks and weeks of discussion, held privately, that a group of people finally arrived at the language which can be found in the original joint resolution."

Not only has this revolutionary plan received practically no consideration whatsoever in the country at large, but it has not been adequately considered in the present or in previous Congresses.

Yet the Republican steering committee has announced that it is to be forced through in what is left of this short session when no debate consonant with its tremendous importance can possibly be had.

Stone "Attacks" Mellon

WHILE Attorney General Stone's confirmation to

the Supreme Court was being debated in the Senate, the Department of Justice prepared a remarkable news release appearing to attack Secretary Mellon's Aluminum Company of America. This prepared statement was dated Washington, February 3, and was marked "Release Morning Papers February 5, 1925." On the copy of this release now before us, the news date "3" is written over in pencil by the date "6" and the release date "5" is written over by a "7."

Evidently prepared on the 3rd and intended to be released on the 5th of February, the date of preparation was changed to appear as the 6th and the date of release was extended to the 7th, on which date the papers carried the story.

Two things are notable about this news release: (1) The change of date, and (2) what it means as distinguished from what it appears to mean.

The Attorney General's motives cannot be questioned. There were probably some Senators whose opinion on Mr. Stone's confirmation could be expected to be favorably influenced if they found him doing his official duty at this critical juncture without fear or favor. To courageously attack the great Aluminum monopoly controlled by the family of the powerful Secretary of the Treasury, at the very time when his own confirmation was at stake, and when he might have delayed his attack or omitted it altogether, would no doubt appear to some of the Senators the highest evidence of his fitness for the great office of Justice of the Supreme Court.

On the other hand, Mr. Stone may have been sensitive lest the release at this juncture should appear an unwarranted or self-seeking intrusion of his de

votion to duty. Whether any of the copies of the release reached any of the Senators in advance of their voting on February 6th is not known.

The story in the papers on the morning of the 7th, the day after Mr. Stone's confirmation, carried the impression that the Attorney General was vigorously backing up the Federal Trade Commission, which last fall reported to the Senate and to the Department of Justice that the Aluminum Company of America had been found to be violating the anti-trust law.

After the Daugherty practice of often ignoring entirely the Federal Trade Commission's reports, or keeping the public in the dark as to whether the Department proposed to act, this new policy of Mr. Stone's appeared a refreshing change.

Read carefully, however, the release seems, instead, a stall. Instead of acting promptly on the violations found by the Federal Trade Commission, Mr. Stone now, several months later, is merely announcing that he must investigate further and see if the Aluminum Company is still violating the law. It is an astounding proposition of law enforcement. Here is what the release says:

"Attorney General Stone today advised the Federal Trade Commission that the exhaustive report by that body concerning the Aluminum and other industries, and which was prepared in response to a Senate Resolution, revealed that certain provisions of the dissolution decree in the case of the Aluminum Company of America apparently were violated during the period covered by the Commission's report. Inasmuch, however, as there appeared little in the report touching the methods of the company since 1922, a further investigation by Government agents would be necessary, he indicated, in order that the Department of Justice might act with full knowledge of the course of conduct of the company up to the present time. Such an investigation has been ordered."

Meantime, the Statute of Limitations is running against any criminal prosecution. Unless action is begun in court within three years, after the last proven act of violation, criminal prosecution must fail.

If, after "further investigation," it is found that the company is no longer violating the law, the whole matter will presumably be dropped. That was the Daugherty way.

Perhaps Mr. Mellon is smiling in his sleeve at Mr. Stone's "courageous attack" upon him.

An Imaginary Conversation

'T LOOKS as if some astute advertising agency, like Tom Logan's, with a far seeing eye to future business in "putting over" millions of dollars worth of propaganda in the next decade, might be at the bottom of some of the things that happen to us these days.

Imagine a conversation along some such lines as the following:

A. A. A. (Astute Advertising Agent): Don't you wish you could kill off the Child Labor Amendment?

M. P. (Money Power): Yes, but how?

A. A. A.: Easy. Set the farmers against it, for one thing. I'll take a contract to do the trick for $5,000,000-that's a reduced rate-providing you will contract with me that, if I succeed, you will pass the Wadsworth Amendment and pay me at regular rates for every special interest amendment I get through after that and every popular interest one I' kill.

M. P.: Fancy!

A. A. A.: Well-but! Remember the propaganda training we all had during the war? Remember the Swift and Armour and Wilson & Co. propaganda against the Federal Trade's packer investigation? That cost about twelve million, but it did the business. Remember the return of the railroads to private ownership? I handled the propaganda on that; greased the rails for the bill.

M. P.: I know you can accomplish a good dealA. A. A.: Didn't we put over the Harding campaign? Didn't we put the kibosh on those outrageous Senate investigations? Wake up! How much majority did Coolidge have? And weren't you ready to dish him when I took him up?

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Norris on Bi-Partisanship

ENATOR NORRIS, after the combination of Republicans and Democrats had approved the Underwood Muscle Shoals proposal, gave expression to It was more than some characteristic humor. humor, however; there was stinging truth in his satire.

Portions of this Norris speech follow (C. R., p. 1550):

"We all know, Mr. President, that the Republican regulars in the Senate, the Coolidge Republicans, and the Underwood Democrats have been together in this fight. They have a perfect right to be together. That is where they honestly and rightfully belong, I think. Sometimes they have a sham fight and try to make people believe they are not together. I have said repeatedly that there is no difference between the Republican machine and the Democratic machine, and when they get into dire straits they go together under one banner. That is what they did yesterday. It is a remarkable thing to remember, too, that the so-called 'lame ducks' were all in line yesterday, just the same as they were on the veto measure. If they had voted the other way on the veto message, the bill would have been passed over the veto. If they had voted the other way yesterday, the Underwood substitute would not have been agreed to. The two machines were in harmony. I do not object, as I said, to their being together. I would have no fault to find with them for that if they would get rid of the claim that goes on in a campaign, for instance, like the one just closed, that they stand for such and such things, and after the election are found to be in cahoots, and in partnership with the very outfit and the very machine which they denounced as corrupt.

"It makes but very little difference to me personally, because these machines have run over me so often that I am as thin as the conscience of a Democratic politician just before election, and they have run over me the other way until I am as short as the memory of a Democratic politician right after election. If they would throw off the sham, there would not be any objection that I can see, if they would not try to use partisanship to line men up to vote contrary to their convictions. If there were not dangling about the belt of the Chief Executive a lot of fat jobs, his influence in legislation in the Congress would be diminished many fold.

"The Senator from Alabama (Mr. Underwood) led the fight very gracefully and nicely in favor of his bill, and one of his chief supporters, the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Harrison), announced that in reality it was an administration measure. The Senator from Arkansas (Mr. Robinson), the leader of the Democrats, read the President's message in sustaining the position that he was taking; and I am not saying that he was wrong. He was in league with the President, assuming that the Democratic committee had told the truth about him, and he gets on the same band wagon with him. So what the Democratic committee said about President Coolidge, about Weeks, about Fall, and about the two Senators here, must also apply to all the others who are in the same combine trying to accomplish the same thing.

"This has been really a wonderful combination of the two great political machines. There are Silent Cal at the head, Smiling Oscar, Happy Pat, Jovial Joe, and 'Me too' Tom, all bound up together by the sacred ties of fertilizer, five souls with but a single thought, five hearts that beat as one. What a glorious time, what a glorious banquet they could have. Going into the banquet hall, the dinner would be furnished by the Electric Trust, the General Electric Co., the seasoning for the meats and soups supplied in the shape of fertilizer by the Alabama Power Co., the liquid refreshments given to them by the Republican National Committee. What a glorious jubilee they could have! If Ingersoll were alive and saw that beautiful picture, he would change or at least paraphrase one of his favorite utterances so it would run something like this:

Strike, oh weird musician, thy harp strung with Apollo's hair. Blow, bugler, blow until thy silver notes touch and kiss the moonlit waves and charm the lovers roaming mid the vine-clad hills. But know that your sweetest strains are discords all when compared with the joyous rollicking laughter of this happy group.

"Mr. President, there are breakers ahead apparently, and bright as this picture looks there are some indications of a storm. Both of these machines are headed to the same place, carrying the natural resources of our country to the Electric Power Trust. But the debate here has attracted the attention of the country, and some of the brave hearts have become fearful lest the people will find out too much. Be it to the credit of the Democratic machine they have shown more courage and bravery than the Republican machine. They are in favor of going right on in the open before the people and enacting the Underwood bill into law, but the Republican machine seems to be frightened, or at least there are indications of it, and the indications point to the fact that President Coolidge has issued a command to his man in charge here on the Republican side, the Senator from Kansas (Mr. Curtis), and has told him, in substance, that while they are trying to reach the same port he thinks they ought to take a different course.

"So this beautiful picture of these loving brethren in sacred banquet may turn out to be a funeral. The Republican leader is about to have a marriage ceremony performed. He is going to get the Republican machine together, with its recent recruits, and follow a different course, and this song of rollicking joy over here will become a funeral dirge. But whatever does happen, if that is true, the funeral baked meats will coldly furnish forth the marriage table at the Republican ceremony.

"Mr. President, I think that we ought to have some ceremony in regard to this getting together of brethren as shown by the roll call yesterday. Let us forget for the moment the denunciation made of those Republicans over here by the Democratic National Committee and see how we might couple up in brotherly friendship and love the votes that occurred yesterday. There is the senior Senator from Alabama (Mr. Underwood). If I were going to couple off these people, I would place the Senator from Alabama arm in arm with the Senator from Colorado (Mr. Phipps). Then the senior Senator from Arkansas (Mr. Robinson) ought to join hands with the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler). Then the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Harrison)—well, Mr. President, he is such a bitter partisan that I

hesitate to line him up with a Republican, and so I think I would let him stay on the Democratic side, and I would select as his companion his bosom friend, the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Bruce). (Laughter.)

"Then there is the junior Senator from Alabama (Mr. Heflin). Let me see! I think I would put him with the Senator from Utah (Mr. Smoot). They are both about the same size-physically I mean-and as they march down the aisle arm in arm we will all join in the good old song:

This is the way I long have sought,

And mourned because I found it not. (Laughter.) "Then there is the junior Senator from Arkansas (Mr. Caraway). I think I would place him, if I were coupling off these Senators, with the Senator from Kansas (Mr. Curtis), the principal lieutenant on this side of the aisle. The lame ducks, I think, ought to be put in a class by themselves, there being two Republicans and two Democrats. Let them choose their own partners.

"Then there is the Senator from North Dakota (Mr. Ladd). I must find him a Democratic companion. Since the junior Senator from Alabama (Mr. Heflin) has already been assigned to somebody else, I will not be able to place the Senator from North Dakota where he would, perhaps, most prefer to go; but he is a valiant soldier and will go whereever he is put, so I will let him walk down the aisle with the Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Broussard). Incidentally I would like to say to the Republicans who recently expelled the Senator from North Dakota from the party that they had better meet and take that back. He has shown his fidelity, and instead of expelling him they ought to kill the fatted calf and have a real jollification meeting at his return. I think I had better take the liberty of appointing the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Edge) as a committee of one to get the calf. (Laughter.) "Mr. President, I have not fully disposed of all those who voted for the Underwood bill and who I think are classified perhaps improperly-not by my work, but by the Democratic National Committee. But it is customary for the President when he gives a breakfast not to invite everybody there at once, so I will defer to some future date the finishing of this social classification. It may be that some of the assignments will not be agreeable and I may have to change some of them, but it will all be looked after in due time.

"MR. NEELY. In his very vivid description of this imaginary banquet the able and versatile Senator from Nebraska has designated the senior Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Edge) to furnish the piece de resistance; that is, the innocent fatted calf. He has said that the Republican National Committee will furnish the liquid refreshments-presumably because of the fact that the Republican Party is in charge of the enforcement of the prohibition law and its appointees are the custodians of all unconsumed contrabrand liquor in the country. The Senator has informed us who will provide the soup. Will he not before closing enlighten us as to the final detail of his sumptuous feast by stating who is to supply the nuts? (Laughter.)

"MR. NORRIS. Mr. President, it will not be necessary to provide any nuts. (Laughter on the floor and in the galleries.)

The Searchlight On Congress

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SEARCHLIGHT
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