THE IDEOLOGICAL CRISIS IN NORTHERN CALIFORNIA

How has the ideclogical crisis in our movement manifested itself in a special way here in California? Its latest manifestation is certainly the recent group departure of 26 leading and former leading people in our Party. The method of leaving plus the organizational measures they took in leaving, and also inherent in the content of their document indicate that for more than a recent period this group has led a factional existence. Beyond that of course we know of meetings held, phone calls made, and trips back and forth between Los Angeles and here, and even an attempt to organize people who have left t'e Party into coming back in - in order to fight for their factional position. Of course, the document itself attempts to put the best possible face to their departure and consequently does not discuss except in the most general terms the reasons for leaving, expressing disillusion with the prospects before the Party, but hardly coming to the meat of the ideological discussions in the Party. It must be viewed in the context of the preceeding document signed by 22 Los Angeles comrades, most of whom, if not all, were part of the final withdrawal, in which the right wing opportunist revisionist line is a great deal more clear. In this connection I would like to quote from a report made by the Chairman of the Metal Trades Club before that club on the California notions. I quote from its concluding paragraph:

"The proposal of the District Committee at a time when it cannot be discussed by a representative body (such as a convention) can only be disruptive. The many districts would cither be arraigned against each other or split. The National Center would lose any authority that remains. And the Party would be further reduced by an even greater exodus on the right. I do not think that this is desired by the majority of the District Committee."

To me this is an accurate prediction of some of the things that have occurred since the California motions were proposed.

But I will not concern myself too much with the recent departure. I am mu more concerned with the attitude of the remaining District leadership. The District Organizer coming back from the National Committee meeting makes a report to an East Bay membership meeting that the National Committee turned down a resolution based on the California Motions and adopted one proposed by Comrade Dennis. He went on to say that, of course, the California motions were superior, and, that, as far as he was concerned, that the Party in California was going to continue operating according to the spirit of the California motions. when he was upbraided for factional behavior, and, it is certainly factional for a member of the National Committee and its Executive to refuse to carry out a resolution of the Party, he responded with the heated charge of so-called ultra-left factionalism on those rack and filers who had called him to task.

Не

At the San Francisco County Committee he was specifically asked whether he would work to implement the recent resolution of the National Committee. refused to answer a clear yes or a no, his answer was that he would abide by the decisions of the 16th National Convention. We have come a long way we started out with a battle about the interpretation of Marxism-Leninism and now we have come down to interpreting the 16th Convention. Another member of the National Committee at the County meeting answered this question without being asked his answer was that he wasn't going to sign any loyalty oath. This, comrades, gous a long way beyond the right to dissent. Certainly, they have the right to their opinions, but this heads in the direction of setting up an independent Party in California, one with different policies and objectives from our national Party. It is this danger that the comrades should be aware of.

At the same County Comittee a blistering attack on your section organizer occurred, as being a member of a faction called the ultra-left. Certainly, in an atmosphere where a general right revisionist attack has gone on in the Party, one could expect extreme luft ideas to gain currency. But this so-called faction, so far as I can determine, are legitimate clubs and sections of the Party, some of whosc literature I've seen, and, like all Party literature nowadays I agree with Some of it and I disagree with others. They certainly have the right to state This is reminiscent of the their views just as we have the right to state ours. attack on the Indiana substitute Labor Resolution as left-sectarian, where the substance was hardly seen by the membership, and which, in my opinion, was very good, with some weaknesses, but the resolution was used as a whipping stick in order to try to put over the very werk and very useless Draft Labor Resolution. Beyond that I construe the attack on me to be an attack against the section. For I am a member of no faction, and the line I have is, I believe, the majority ling of this section. I have been critical, and will probably continue to be, I hope constructively.

I believe that the District leaders who make this unprincipled factional charge should either press it or apologize. Of more significance than name calling is the real situation however. It was one thing when the California District leadership had, whatever their actions, the stated position of trying to find unity in the Party, it is quite another thing when the actions of the California leadership through the California Hotions spearhead the right of our Party. In my opinion, the membership must become aware of it and act accordingly. It is not too late, in my opinion, for the leadership to draw some conclusions from the recent period, and to be a little self-critical about their recent actions. They passed the California Motions unanimously, this unanimous majority included the people who recently left the Party. After they passed these Motions, they were rejected before they were even considered by the National Committee by every trade union club in the City that took it up. This includes some clubs in our section, it includes Warehouse and Maritime. In fact I don't know of a single club that approved them, and the County Committee's approval was hedged with so many opposite amendments that I could even vote for it. They must see that this line heads nowhere and should change.

PROPOSALS

Comrades, in conclusion I have a number of proposals:

1. That this Report be mimeographed and distributed to the Party through the County Committee, sent to all members of the National Committee and submitted to Political Affairs with our recommendation for its publication - so that our thinking cannot be attacked by slander, and that the Comrades will have it before them.

2. Propose that a County Convention be called; the ideological issues and practical ones discussed; and that replacements to the District Committee for those who have resigned be there elected.

3. To recommend to the National Committee that a National Convention be called in order to form a clear line as opposed to the line of the 16th Convention which every ideological trend says they support from different standpoints.

4. That our Section reinstitute the classes that we started, and that the Section Committee be charged with bringing in a plan for them.

5. That at the earliest practical date we hold another conference so that the work of the clubs in their trade union organizations can be discussed and for us to try to draw some conclusions not only for own work but for that primarily. The Labor resolution has not yet been acted upon and maybe we can help there also. This should be soon but not until the Section leadership can meet with each club to try to produce the maximum results at the Section meeting.

6. That the Section Committee in consultation with the Clubs try to complete the Section staff.

Comrades: This has been a long report and I hope I have not put too much of a trial on your patience. I sincerely hope that it meets with your approval. I do not wish that the result of this report be to divide the Section. It is my earnest wish that both those who support and those who oppose this report will continue to keep our Section healthy. We are a bright spot in the Party now, almost no losses, continuous work in mass organizations, and we should try to inprove the quality of our work. I believe that we have it within ourselves to build the Party.

APPENDIX:

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RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY AFL SECTION AT ITS PRECONVENTION
SESSION.

RESOLUTION ON DEMOCRATIZATION OF THE SOUTH

Whereas, the economic advancement and the freedom of political expression of all organized and unorganized workers, lorth and South, depend on the winning of full democratic and trade union rights for all southern Americans, Negro and white, Be is resolved that our Party recognize that the most decisive struggle taking place at this time in our country is the developing fight for the democratization of the South, and

Be it further resolved that we make this our major national task and take all the organizational steps necessary to make our maximum contribution to its achieve-

mcnt.

RESOLUTION ON PEOPLES' WORLD

Resolved that following the State Convention the Peoples' World go on a weekly basis, and put into effect economic changes explained in their own financial statements.

We urge our membership to raise the necessary funds for its continuation as a weekly.

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RESOLUTION ON REFERENDUM ON RESOLUTION

Resolved that after the National Convention a National Referendum be held on the final resolution.

RESOLUTION ON TRADE UNION WORK (1)

We recognize the Trade Union movement as the strongest organized pro-democratic, anti-dictatorship force in our country, and that the leadership of the Unions are more responsive to rank and file pressure than those of other mass organizations because of the direct ties to the economic welfare of the membership.

We believe that a major cause of errors in our movement pcnerally, but especially in its policies and programs dealing with the trade union nove ent is the lack of trade union actives in the leadership of our Party. We strongly urge that special steps be taken to include a greater number of active cxperienced trade unionists on all levels of leadership in our Party.

RESOLUTION ON TRADE UNION WORK (2)

We recognize that our movement must be oriented on the trade unions as a focal center, and therefore propose that the County Convention take steps to provide:

1. More attention to and participation in trade union struggles for the neighborhood sections of the Party.

2. Improved liason between trade union sections of the Party, especially in related industries.

3. Improved liason between neighborhood and industrial sections, between the class struggle on the job and the class struggle in the neighborhood.

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RESOLUTION ON NATIONAL COMMITTEE STATEHT ON HUNGARY OF NOVEMBER 4th.

We condemn the statement of the National Committee on Hungary as being incorrect in that: 1) it reversed a previous accepted position without complete knowledge of the facts, 2) it did not analyze the situation from the viewpoint of a Party that is part of a world Communist movement, 3) it did not represent the opinions of the American Party membership.

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RESOLUTION ON GENERAL POSITION

Resolved that of all the prominent positions so far represented we feel that the Foster position represents the best hope for continuation and development of the American Socialist movement.

RESOLUTION ON FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES

Be it resolved that we favor the maintenance of a Communist Party in the United States that accepts responsibility for the development of socialist consciousness in the United States and directs a concerted activity upon those issues mcst necessary for the defense and improvement of the working conditions of the American working class, and expresses and supports the aspirations and advance of the international working class movement;

Be it further resolved that in order to implement our aims we make changes in our orgardzation guaranteeing the widest democratic participation of the membership in the making and review of decisions, in protecting the membership from harassment on the basis of difference from official position, and in stimulating

the membership to the most imaginative and most thorough discussion on the development of our work. In this connection we urge that the new constitution spell out in detail the rights and duties of membership, and to include in our constitution many of the excellent suggestions that have been developed in the discussion to curb the growth of bureaucratic trends within our organization. We support the following paragraph in the draft resolution: "The National Committee should issue a special publication on a regular monthly basis devoted exclusively to articles or letters discussing, debating, or differing with Party policies, whether current or long range. Such a publication is necessary to encourage the greatest possible participation by the membership in the formulation, correction, or abandonment of policies or tactics."

Be it further resolved that in order to implement the democratization of our movement it is not necessary to deny our history, to renounce those items of principle that have historically developed to differentiate our movement from bourgeois or liberal reformism. The concepts of democratic centralism, Party discipline, and the vanguard role of the Party. we consider that these ideas have already been proved in practice not only in other countries but also in ours in connection with some of our historic successes. We believe these ideas to be rooted not in some set of special conditions on some foreign soil, but in the dialectical materialist conception of reality, on the consciousness of struggle between opposing forces, and the awareness of the revolutionary nature of change. We confirm the conception of our organization as a devoted and advanced task force of the working class. Where we do not live up to our conception, and it must be admitted that we have not in many cases, we must strive to make our conception real, to prepare ourselves for the sharp struggles of the working class that lie ahead. THE UNITY OF OUR PARTY IN ACTION MUST BE DEVELOPED, NOT DESTROYED.

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COMMITTEE EXHIBIT NO. 29

ON THE JEWISH QUESTION

By A. Waterman

From Marxism Today April, 1959, London

Comrade Ramelson in his article in the January issue of Marxian Today, whilst rediscussing the Jewish issue, makes reference to the recent experiences of the Jewish people, i.e. Hitler's extermination of 6 million Jews, the setting up of the State of Israel, and the elimination of Yiddish cultural activities in the U.S.S.R. in 1948. Nonetheless he does not seem to appreciate the profound impact these experiences have had on the Jewish people.

I want to dwell primarily on the part dealing with the Socialist Sol ution. It is important to recapitulate, though briefly, this unprecedented historical event, Merely to state that the Soviet Union in "eliminating anti-semitism.... had a tremendous impact en Jews all over the world" barely touches the significance of the 1917 revolution, as far as the Jews as an oppressed minority were emcerned. Surely this was only one aspect of what the young Soviet Union did for the Jewish people.

(1) For the first time in history a revolutionary movement succeeded in removing, at one stroke, all forms of discrimination, economic, poli tical and cultural, by granting the erstwhile oppressed and pogromised Jews full and complete equality.

(2) It made possible in the short period of fifteen years the com plete transformation of the social, economic and cultural structure of Soviet Jewry.

(3) "Every facility given to them... for the development of Yiddish culture." It was net only a continuation of the old Yiddish culture, but an unprecedented renaissance, transformation and expansion of Yiddish cultural activities which became "mational in form and socialist in content".

(4) Economically, it drew masses of Jewish people into the then developing industries. For those who could not be absorbed in industry, it promulgated vast land settlement schemes and brought hundreds of thous ands of Jews into agriculture. Large areas of land were specially allocated for Jewish re-settlement, in the Crimea, Ukraine, White Russia and the Caucasus. Jewish administrative regions were formed, such as Kalindorf, New Zlotopol, Stalindorf, etc., where the official language in the schools, courts and local government was Yiddish.

This economic and social transformation had its immediate and direct effect on cultural expansion. Let me quote a report given at a conference of Jewish cultural workers in 1924 (Yevrei v SSSR, p. 262): "There cre functioning in the U.S.S.R. fifty-two kindergartens, 439 elementary schools, fifty-six secondary schools, forty-four technical and four pedagogical institutes, all conducted in Yiddish; also four Yiddish faculties attached to Universities." At a similar conference in 1928 the above figures were almost doubled. In 1921, only 21 per cent of dew ish children went to Yiddish schools; by 1932 the figure was 64 per cent. There were at this time forty-two Yiddish newspapers and periodicals, four publishing houses, ten Yiddish state theatres and two theatrical schools, Book publishing in Yiddish experienced a fivefold increase, from seventy-three titles in 1913 to 339 in 1939. Shalom Aleichem's books in Yiddish rosevfrom 220,000 in 1913 to 3,200,000 in 1939. Several radio stations gave many hours to Yiddish broadcasts.

On March 28th, 1928, a government decree set aside Biro-Bijan as a Jewish Autonomous Region, with a view to an eventual formation of a Jewish Sccialist Republic, in order that it might "preserve a Yiddish Socialist national culture" (Kalinin).