overdue achievement of great historic significance. In addition, by providing the basis for a higher unity of the working class, it will help pave the way for a socialist transformation of the national economy. The Communist Party will work toward the attainment of this noble objective with unstinting effort and unwavering dedication.

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COMMITTEE EXHIBIT NO. 20

RESOLUTION ON THE 1960 ELECTIONS

The new developments in our foreign policy symbolized by the Khrushchev visit have been welcomed by the overwhelming majority of the American people. They support the current relaxation of tensions and have hopes that there is developing an era of peaceful coexistence.

At the same time the country has witnessed a major reactionary offensive on the home front. The 86th Congress scuttled the rights of the Negro people, and the same Dixiecrat-reactionary Republican alliance, aided by important Northern Democrats, fastened the Landrum-Griffin Bill on the labor movement.

The development of peaceful coexistence is by no means guaranteed. In both parties, powerful elements are trying to reverse this trend, or failing this, to reduce it to the bearest minimum. It is in the people's most basic interest that all developments toward peace be reinforced and given further impetus.

In both major parties there are strong currents counter to the peace sentiments. Nelson Rockefeller is the high-octane cold warrior of the Republicans, representing gigantic combinations of oil and finance that aim to abort the developing peace movement. In the Democratic Party, the Truman-Acheson cold-war line continues to permeate its policies.

Congress dramatized these counter-currents by refusal to enact meaningful civil rights legislation and its passage of anti-labor legislation. George Meany, AFL-CIO president, summarized our domestic problem when he told an Urban League banquet that the Dixiecrats are the common enemy of both labor and the Negro people.

But labor must recognize that it is the cold-war policy which George Meany and others support that provides a bulwark for the Dixiecrat-GOP alliance.

The fact is that some big business forces seeing the new turn in world affairs are developing their own economic program to meet it. The essence of their program is intensified exploitation of American workers so that a handful of monopoolies can maintain an exorbitant rate of profit despite the new obstacles and restrictions and competitive challenges in the world market. Rather than this program of big business, labor and the people must advance their program for a peacetime economy that will mean jobs and higher living standards. The peace issue in the 1960 elections will be strengthened by this program. Linked to this must be labor's drive to halt and reverse the reactionary offensive in Congress.

The brazen big business conspiracy to emasculate and destroy the trade unions has already had the widest repercussions in the labor movement. In some quarters a beginning has been made in re-evaluating the political role of labor. Moods of resistance and struggle are growing.

Labor contrasts two recent experiences. The first was a successful fight to smash the right-to-work initiatives in five states. In this struggle labor developed a high degree of independence and unity and fought back militantly.

The second was the passage of the Landrum-Griffin-Kennedy bill to which the AFL-CIO top officials failed to organize effective resistance.

Civil rights legislation was betrayed by the same Dixiecrat-Republican alliThe President has failed to extend and guarantee constitutional protections to the Negro people in the South.

ance.

These rights and these protections are basic to any democratic advance. The Civil Rights Commission has reccomended appointment of federal registrars throughout the southern states to guarantee the Negro people the right to vote, along with others now denied that right through local restrictive practices. Enforcement of the 14th Amendment long used as a shield by corporate monopoly is being urged in behalf of civil rights. This amendment provides for the reduction of the Congressional delegation of any state that denies the right to vote to its adult citizens.

In New Deal days, the Dixiecrat veto over Democratic presidential nominations was eliminated by abolishing the two-thirds rule at national conventions. But the power of the Dixie crat members of Congress, who through disenfranchisement of the Negro voter guaranteed themselves constant re-election, expresses itself in national politics through control of Congress, through the seniority rule for Congressional committees. A measure vital to defeat of the reactionary alliance is elimination of the seniority rule to end Dixiecrat control of the Congress. Smashing the usurped power of the Dixiecrat bloc will remove a major barrier to the struggle for peace, democracy, labor and civil rights.

The lesson of the 86th Congress is clear: To the extent that labor and the Negro people's movement further advance independent political action, press forvard their own positions and candidates, to that extent will they win their demande against the monopolists and their political henchmen.

The dissatisfaction of liberals, labor and the Negro people with reaction and bossism is reflected in the independent trends and groups in the Democratic Party and is based on varied issues in different localities. In Congress these are expressed by the struggles of Senators Clark, Macnamara and Proxmire against Lyndon Johnson. In New York, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Herbert Lebman and Thomas Finletter, and more successfully, Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, conduct the fight against Carmen DeSapio. In California the Democratic club movement reflects grass roots political organization and has considerable influence in shaping policies and directing candidates. A similar form exists in Chicago. In Michigan the power of labor, especially of the UAW, is a decisive factor.

The debate around the role of the liberals in the Democratic Party likewise reflects these dissatisfactions. Such forces as the ADA and the Liberal Party in New York are concerned by the continued concessions to the Dixiecrats.

The internal struggles and the fluid situation within the Democratic Party can be utilized by the forces of labor and the Negro people to influence issues and candidates. What is needed is unity and cohesion, established independently of the old party machines. Movements in each of these fields with their own inmediate task will confront a common enemy--the alliance of Dixiecrats and reactionary Republicans. But they also share an important goal and the prospect of victory.

In these circumstances, the central political task confronting the labor, peace and democratic forces are:

1) To bring the fight for peace up to the pace demanded by current developments in the struggle for total disarmament and peaceful coexistence, it is urgent to bring these issues before every community, church, labor union and other organization of the people, and to compel every leader and specifically every office holder, candidate and potential candidate to take a public position on peace and these other vital issues.

While giving priority to the peace issue, all the people's needs must be fought for -- wages, jobs, labor's rights, civil rights and liberties, social security, housing, health, youth needs, etc. How the cold war and vast military expenditures balk the people's social and economic needs must be emphasized. The people must understand that only an end to the cold war, radical reduction in armaments and the full functioning of the economy for peace can bring satisfaction of their needs.

2) On the basis of the movements already mentioned and in connection with the election campaign, it is essential to work for broad electoral unity to oppose the chief candidates of reaction and the cold war, and to promote nomination and election of pro-peace, pro-labor and pro-civil rights candidates at all levels. Such candidates should include trade unionists and representatives of the Negro people, as well as nominees of other minority groups, especially Puerto Rican and Mexican.

Labor and the Negro people cannot make further progress on the basis of the present tiny representation from their own ranks in the Congress and public office. This election must see a substantial increase in labor and Negro candidates from the primaries through the elections.

3) It is imperative that the Dixiecrats be made a major target of attack, that they be exposed and isolated. Defeat of their reactionary Republican and Democratic party allies in the North is equally urgent.

4) The Civil Rights Commission has proposed a system of federal registrars throughout the South. This system must be installed in 1960 to guarantee the Negro people their full rights to register and to vote.

5) Every encouragement and full support must be given labor proposals for conferences early in 1960 ɔn a national and local scale of labor and its allies. These conferences can lead to an independent position in the elections and exert powerful influence on the selection of candidates, the drafting of programs and other vital aspects of the election struggle. Such local and national conferences called by the Negro people and liberal and people's organizations generally could further influence the political parties in a progressive direction.

6) The major party primaries will reflect these dissatisfaction and progressive forces will contest the reactionaries. Where reactionary candidates have been nominated by both parties, democratic and peace candidates on the independent ticket should be promoted.

7) The Communist Party to advance the unity of the people, promote and clarify the issues of the campaign and educate for socialism, will run its own candidates, as it did in the Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and Ben Davis campaigns in New York and the Archie Brown campaign in California. Where because of undemocratic election laws, bane and undemocratic restrictions, it will do so in whatever way is open acting jointly with others.

It is essential to build, strengthen and multiply the independent electoral apparatus and organizations of labor (COPE) not only on shop and union basis but particularly in the communities. Also among the Negro people it is essential to promote the independent political action and organizations such as the non-partisan Negro Voters Association both in the North and South. It is further necessary to support the struggle of the Negro people and disfranchised whites in the South to vote and it is important to launch a national campaign to ensure maximum registration, electoral activity and casting of voces.

In addition a fight should be launched against the growing undemocratic restrictions which keep minority parties off the ballot and for proper reapportionment of representation and the abolition of gerrymandered districts.

An important condition for the widest mobilization of the people in the interests of peace and for a progressive outcome of the elections is the establishment of joint action of Communists, Socialiste, union militants and progressives.

By working along these lines, by buildings its independent strength and uniting all peace and people's forces, labor and the democratic forces can make headway in 1960 in ousting leading reactionaries from office and electing peace and progressive candidates. They can be in a strong position to determine the character of the next Administration and Congress and help prevent wavering and backsliding of the elected friends of labor and hasten the trend toward a rew political alignment and a mass people's party.

Recognizing the dominance of Big Business over the two major parties, we constantly advocate the necessity of a new, a farmer-labor party. Such a political realignment will not be just a minority opposition party but one which can win the majority, a new party based on the mass of labor, the farmers, the Negro people, and other sections of the population in which labor fulfills a leading role. In the course of all election activity it is necessary to advance such an objective on the basis of experiences in the elections. We do not, however, set a blue print and then try to make experience fit it. Nor do we advocate such an objective in any mechanized, sloganized way. We hold that such an objective gives perspective to immediate work and must increase participation in every election campaign. We warn against premature and adventurist splits which result in isolation. All of this must be said in relation to 1960 because we recognize that the major election campaign, including the independent movements, will be within the two- party system. The election requires more attention to the development of independent movements and the many forms which that independence can take, with special attention to the Democratic Party through which the major sections of labor function in the elections.

These goals cannot be achieved, however, through the formation of "independent socialist parties" such as have been attempted in some areas. These supported by some liberals, progressives and socialist-minded radicals and used as a bass of operations by some Trotskyites represent premature, sterile movements which can only serve to isolate the Left from the masses of labor and the Negro people.

It is essential to educate the masses of the people in socialism, in the accomplishments of the socialist countries and what socialism would mean for the U.S.A. But such education cannot be viewed as a task apart from the struggles of the people. The main task of the class conscious forces at the present time is to organize the unity of the widest masses of people to struggle for their most vital needs, above all peace, through which struggle are created more favorable conditions for wider socialist understanding and organization of movemente.

The Communist Party will cooperate with and help stimulate the independent political organization and activity of labor and all other democratic forces and will support and participate wherever possible in united and democratic front alliances and movements. At the same time it will develop its own independent activity, help clarify issues and popularize its basic program for an American road to socialism.

The 1960 elections afford to the Party and left and progressive forces generally a great opportunity to strengthen their forces and identify themselves more closely with the mass currents and movements stirring our country.

The elections will also enable the Party to make a special contribution to the question which will overshadow the immediate issues-- namely, the competition of the two systems, socialism and capitalism. These will be discussed and debated and socialism will therefore be an issue in the broadest sense. The Party will bring the truth of socialism and its superiority over capitalism to the American people.

To advance the cause of peace and progress, the Communist Party will enlist support for the following immediate program:

1. Guarantee peace for our country and the world by outlawing nuclear war, and war as a means of settling differences between countries. End the cold war and establish a policy of peaceful co-existence with peaceful relations, recognition of and normal relations with People's China, trade and friendship with all nations. For total disarmament and cuts in the military budget. Start reduction of taxes on 12w incomes.

2. Defend the Constitution and restore the Bill of Rights. Abolish the witchhunting House Un-American Activities Committee and te Senate Internal Security Committee. Freedom for Henry Winston, Robert Tompson, Gilbert Green, and all other political prisoners, including Morton Sobell, who is now serving his ninth year of a brutal 30-year sentence. Protect the rights of the foreign-born against deportation and harassment. Repeal the Smith and McCarran Act and establish the full legality of the Communist Party.

3. For equal rights and full citizenship of the Negro people. Abolish Jim Crow segregation. Enforce the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments. Enact civil rights legislation to establish these rights immediately.

4. Advance labor's right to organize, strike, to participate in political action. Repeal the Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Griffin laws. Prohibit strikebreaking by court injunction. Halt all Taft hartley prosecutions. Guarantee the right to a job and improved living and working conditions.

Adequate compensation for all unemployed for the entire period of unemployment. Establish the 30-hour week with no reduction in pay. Increase social security payments.

5. Protect the rights of the small farmers to their land and their implements. Assure adequate income through price supports. Provide credit and government loans at nominal interest rates. Market farm surpluses through foreign trade and to feed the hungry here and abroad.

6. Aid small business by tax relief and easy credit.

7. Enact an American Youth Act to meet the needs of the youth for education, recreation, health, and jobs. For the 18-year old vote.

8. Enact health, education, cultural, and housing programs to meet the people's needs without corruption and profiteering.

9. Establish public ownership and operation of all atomic energy facilities, railroads and public utilities.

10.

Halt monopoly profiteering. Put te tax burden on corporate wealth and high personal income, on the basis of taxation according to ability to pay.

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