Page images
PDF
EPUB

new conditions of struggle, labor reformiam may take other forms adapted to an advancing working class. But the key to progress will remain, as in the past, working class militancy and unity, on the political as well as on the economic front.

The direction and temper of these struggles will be greatly influenced by the factor of world socialism, particularly as the Soviet Union approaches its obJectives of overtaking and surpassing American economic standards. There is no prospect that any leading capitalist country can even approximate the economic level of the United States. But the new competitive factor of the socialist world, with its well established potential for outproducing capitalism and, in the Soviet Union, surpassing the American standard of living within a decade or so, puts en entirely different light on the position of the American worker. The new basis of comparison with a socialist country can have the effect of encouraging the socialist consciousness of the American worker and his general class understanding. But as important as this factor may become, it can play but a supplementary role. The decisive role belongs to the American working class itself.

Accordingly, if there are to be new trade union advances on the economic and political fronts in face of the monopoly offensive, these must be sparked by a rekindled progressive and radical force, based on a reactivated and militant renk and file. Even on a new wave of mass struggle, trade union advances will not take place of themselves. What is required to give meaning and direction to a new labot upsurge is the emergence within the trade unions of a militant wing that will advocate a line of policy directed against monopoly and that will strive to develop the independent political role of labor as leader of a broad democratic front.

In the past, such a militant wing was always sparked by left-wingers with s socialist ideology and with class struggle perspectives, who were spokesmen for the rank and file movements. The greatest trade union progress was made when this leaven of radical workers in the mass movement led the fight for union democracy and working class unity, establishing common action with the middle and liberal forces against the old-line burocratic forces.

In the Communist view, such a combination of Left and Center forces on a common anti-monopoly program, weakening and isolating the Right in the labor movement, remains the key to trade union advance in the period ahead.

The basic thing in the trade union movement is the fight for higher wages and improved conditions, As the struggle sharpens on wages, hours, conditions, full employment and benefits it should be possible to make a much wider approach on the question of united action and unity. Militant workers pressing for these demands, and seeking agrement among the workers, can thus find the best means to overcome the barrier of "class partnership" policies, and advance the interests of the workers. Working class unity around the common needs of labor is the best ground on which class collaboration with monoply can be defeated and new progress made. The new tasks and problems require an all-inclusive class unity Negro and white-employed and unemployed, skilled and unskilled, industrial and craft. of vital importance is cooperation and joint action of various unions at the job level in single enterprises, leading to greater organizational unity and the overcoming of Jurisdictional disputes, as well as an end to the explusion policy, both of which can be fatal in the age of automation.

[ocr errors]

The anti-Communist tans in the trade unions, as well as any discrimination on account of ideology or political beliefs, can prove disastrous. The cold wor period at its height showed how harmful to the labor movement was its retreat before the anti-Communist crusade,which gave monopoly the opportunity to impose further legislative restrictions upon the unions, to broaden government interferenc in their internal affairs under the pretext of fighting corruption and subversion, and in general to dampen the militancy of the workers. When progressives fight against the Communist bens in the unions they are fighting for the very health and unity of the trade unions. The promising prospects for peaceful co-existence and the new pressures for shifting from arms spending to social welfare spending, coupled with the rekindling of a militant spirit among the workers, are creating a more favorable atmosphere for denying to monopoly the use of anti-Communist es a weapon against labor. The setting aside of the anti-Communist bans in the unions is needed to release the full potential strength of the labor movement for the battles ahead.

In the fight for a broad working class policy of struggle against monopoly, it would be a serious mistake to lump together all class collaborationist elements, or for that matter to treat even the most outspoken among them on a par with monopoly itself. The struggle against class collaborationist policies should be

based on the united struggle for the immediate demands of the workers, remembering that monopoly is the main enemy, and should be carried on as a strictly inner labor business. All interference from the outside should be opposed, whether directly from monopoly or from government. Within labor's ranks, differentiation needs to be made between those elements least responsive to the pressures of the rank and file and therefore more amenable to the policy of monopoly at a given time, and those elements which tend to move into opposition to monopoly policy under mass pressure. These positions are not given for all time. They tend to shift in response to the mass struggles, and crystallize for a given period under the impact of these struggles.

These positions are also affected by changes in production itself, due to new technology. Thus, the older differentiation between the craft and industrial unions tends to get blurred, particularly in the mass production industries, where the skilled craft workers are brought into closer relation with the mass production process and with the semi-skilled. At the same time, all are threatened by automation and unemployment, and new necessities are created for unity among all categories of workers, encompassing the new layer of technicians as well. Strong remnants of the old division remain, but the merged AFL-CIO basically reflects the process of change in the old craft unions, some of which are becoming semi-industrial in form, and the organic ties which are being created by modern industry among all layers of production workers. The tendency is for the further amalgamation of the craft and industrial form of organization, with the resulting capacity of labor to carry on its struggles on broader and all-inclusive industry fronts. This tendency should be speeded up by the action of the workers for amalgamation and unification, hand in hand with developing all forms and channels for effective rank and file participation in trade union affairs.

In the Communist view, the full potential of the powerful trade union movement can be felt in the struggle against monopoly at home only as labor simultaneously revives a firm spirit of international labor solidarity. As monopoly is rebuffed abroad by the forces of peace, national liberation and democracy, it sharpens its attack upon labor at home. By the same token, labor should learn that the strength of these world-wide forces provides an indirect but nonetheless extraordinary support to labor, the Negro people and all popular forces in their struggle against monopoly and reaction at home. As long as the labor movement does not cut itself loose from the aggressive expansionist foreign policies of monopoly, it will be caught in between the effective resistance to these policies abroad and the offensive of monopoly at home. But if labor learns to take full advantage of the opportunities for progress in the United States presented by the new world framework, and develops a policy of international solidarity with the forces of national liberation and social progress, it will be monopoly that is caught in between, and the American people will gain.

The Commumists advocate international solidarity in the labor movement in order to advance the interests of the American working class, and to strengthen democracy and peace. They urge the reestablishment of a single world federation of labor to meet the common problems of workers everywhere. They urge support to the national liberation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America, on the basis of a common struggle against imperialism and monopoly, and especially against the imperialist economic policies of U.S. monopoly anywhere in the world.

Particularly with respect to Latin America, U.S. labor has a great deal to gain from supporting the democratic, anti-imperialist advance taking place there. The combination of the struggles of the Latin American peoples against U.S. imperialism with the struggle of the American working class against monopoly can be a powerful and irresistible force for progress in the Western Hemisphere.

Above all, the struggle for peace in its home and world aspects calls for the curbing of monopoly power. For this the American working class needs to develop a deeper understanding of the role of international labor solidarity among the workers of all nations, which can be decisive in guaranteeing the elimination of war from world affairs.

COMMITTEE EXHIBIT NO. 12

VI. THE COMMUNIST PARTY

We have entered a period of mounting and aggressive offensive by the monopolists directed against the vast majority of the American people. At the same time, the dynamic power of the growing forces for peace and progress is having an increasing impact on the American scene.

This opens up great new opportunities and tasks for the working class, and this, as well as the developments of the past two years, confirm anev the indispensable need of the Communist Party, which is the Marxist-Leninist vanguard party of the American working class--the party of Socialism.

In the recent period, the Party has successfully fought and defeated the antiMarzist revisioniste as well as a group of anti-Party dogmatists. Waging a deternined struggle against factionalism and for the unity of the Party, defending and applying the principles of scientific socialism, of Marzion-Leninism, in accord with specific American conditions and the best interests of our working class and nation, our Party has begun again to unfold its mes policies, to bring ite program to the people.

It fought against those who would convert the Party into a hopeless sect while at the same time clarifying and disassociating itself from the distortions of the concept of the United Party of Socialism by which the revisionists sought to convert our Party into, or substitute for it, a party of a coalition type in which MarzionLeninism would be but one tendency instead of the fundamental and basic policy of the entire organization.

Our Party has begun to play a constructive role in some of the unemployment, integration, peace, electoral and strike struggles of the people. As a result the Party's influence, mass contacts and relationships are increasing in a number of areas and fields of work. And there the Party is being consolidated and revitalized.

But these areas of positive activities and developments are the exception and do not reflect the general situation in our Party. A sober and objective estimtion of the status of our Party today would result in confirming its inadequcy to give its most effective leadership and to make its full contribution to the great new tasks which confront the American people and its working class.

The cardinal problem of Party renewal, of building the Party and of establishing broader united front relations remain largely unsolved. Therefore the chief task before the Party still is to overcome its isolation from decisive sections of the labor movement, to strengthen the Party's mass base among the basic industrial workers, Negro and white, and among the youth. Without this, the Party's capacity for helping transform its policy into living reality will remain seriously impaired.

The monopolists and imperialists are impelled to place the burden of their ●conomic and political problems onto the backs of the mass of people. To accomplish this, they will increasingly use every political, economic and social means to accomplish their aims.

It is clear that the American people do not intend to submit to this attack. They will join the developing movement toward peace, co-existence and disarmament with their struggle for political, economic and social security.

The perspective for our Party, therefore, is to bring our science and indispensable role to these movements. We can bring our Communist initiative, steadfastness and energy to help people in these struggles. We can find from among the most devoted and class conscious elements emerging in these struggles a source for new members to revitalize and rebuild our organization.

Certain weaknesses in the Party's work can be attributed to shortcomings in the work of the National leadership. Among these are a failure decisively to end factionalism, a lag in tackling important ideological problems, and insufficient vigorous fight for a united front policy, and inadequateness in collective work and the application of criticism and self-criticism.

But the main weakness of the Party leadership on a national and district level, has been the failure to come abreast of the new developments with analysis, policy and program and tactical leadership to most effectively equip our Party so that it may play its full role to influence and contribute to the mass developments shaping up today. Many of our leaders remain isolated from our Party membership and the mass movement.

Party building and the further implementation of the Party's mass political line will proceed very slowly and unsatisfactorily unless the entire Party and its leadership seriously raises organizational work to the high level it requires. It will be idle for us to improve the political content of our work unless the entire leadership conducts a determined struggle to re-establish the organizational status of our Party from top to bottom. The fight for the revitaliza#tion of our Party needs to be seen as a two front task, each of which will be required. Progress on each front will enhance the other and both are essential for the solution of the key problems for the most effective functioning and role of our Party.

In this connection, it is essential that the Party leadership at all levels improve its style of work, eradicate subjectivity and cultivate closer, and more comradely relationships, in which criticism and self-criticism will be constructive and mutually beneficial. Care must be taken that criticism and self-criticism be of mistakes and directed towards overcoming them as well as errors and weaknesses of Party leaders, and not take the form of criticism of the Party as such, undermining its role, such as took place in the recent past period. And it is especially urgent that the leadership wors at all times to reinforce the unity of the Party.

It is necessary to effect a marked improvement in the way in which the Party fulfills its vanguard role, especially in its ideological work, in extending its independent mass activity, and in unfolding its united front policies. Also, the readership and study of THE WORKER, and POLITICAL AFFAIRS, and of Marxist literature of all kinds, must be greatly expanded.

The exercise of its vanguard role requires, among other things, expanding to the maximum the organizational and political initiatives of the Party on all levels. Taking into account the deprivation of legal rights imposed upon the Party by Big Business reaction is violation of the Constitution, the Party's vanguard role must be exercised by its members in such a way as safeguards the ability of Communists to remain among the masses, strengthen their ties with them for the Party's mass policies. At the same time, the Party must boldly tilize all public channels for expression and activity, and intensify the fight for reestablishment of its full constitutional rights as part of the general fight of the working people to restore and defend the Bill of Rights.

Effectively to carry out the Party's mass political line, to accelerate labor unity and the development of the democratic front for peace, democracy and security, it is necessary to master and apply concretely and flexibly the Party's united front policy. In many respects, this remains our biggest unwon battle. Victory in this battle is the key to progress on all fronts, now and on the morrow. It is a battle which must be waged by every Party leader, and member, in shop and community, in the unions and other mass organizations.

The Party must search out what is new and promising in the current and unfolding mass struggles. It must find the ways and means of establishing more extensive personal contacts and friendships, and wider formal and informal organized political relationships with other progressive workers on key issues. It must work to revitalize the Left and promote the broadest unity of action of the Left with the progressive or center forces and, on certain issues, with the conservative forces as well.

The Party must give special consideration to the problems and mass struggles of American youth. It must give its support to the building of a Marxistoriented youth organization in this country. Attention to work among the national groups must be restored. In this connection, it is necessary to combat the erroneous idea that these groups are disappearing as significant forces in the American scene.

The Party must also strive to strengthen international working-class solidarity. Above all, it must strive to build ever closer ties with the working people of the Latin American countries, who labor under the oppression of American imperialism.

As never before, it is important that the Party, from top to bottom, grasp more deeply and develop further the scientific principles of Marxism-Leninism, boldly grappling with the new problems confronting our working class and country, and learning from the experiences and views of the masses, as well as from world workingclass experience.

It is necessary to strengthen the ideological content of our mass work day in and day out. Anti-Sovietism and anti-Commumiem must be exposed as the chief weapon of the trusts to mask their robber plans of aggression and exploitation abroad and at home. Racism, anti-Semitism, bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism must be bared as a divisive hatohet dividing Negro and white, native and foreign born at home, and "justifying" U. S. imperialist domination abroad. The "people's capitalism" and "welfare state" panaceas must be unmasked as demagogic propaganda spread by the open apologists of Big Business as well as by the revisionists in their efforts to confuse and disorient the working people, to prevent them from struggling effectively against monopoly and to diver them from the path to social1om.

Revisionism is an opportunist trend which has its source in the ideology of the imperialist ruling class. Especially in periods of relative economic stability social reformist and "class partnership" ideas and illusions gain widespread support and these influences flourish and spread in the labor and the middle classes. Our foremost mass ideological task is the constant struggle to expose its roots and influences. Within our Party its penetration showed itself in the variety of Lovestone, Browder, and Gates revisionist theories, resulting in stripping our fighting capacity and leadership ability and which threatened the very existence of the Party. It attempts to replace our working class science with bourgeois ideas and methods. Our leadership was slow to recognize its haraful effects in the period from mid-1956 to 1958, as well as in earlier periods.

Much of our present weaknesses stem from the hangovers of revisionist thinking and methods seen in apathy, cynicism and continuing "holding action" concepts. These retard the revitalization of our Party and its subsequent rebuilding. Our Party and especially its leadership needs to be strengthened in the philosophical science and method of dialectical materialism in order to more effectively develop consistent working class theories and policies.

Our mes vork and ideological responsibility demand that the most consistent struggle against revisionist tendencies be carried on simultaneously with the most vigorous opposition to dogmatic ideas and sectarian practices within our movement. Equally with revisionism, these stem from ruling-class ideology. And they are equally a form of opportunism--in fact, they are but the other side of the coin of Right, revisionist opportunism. The Party must vage a persistent struggle against deeply ingrained concepte, practices and influences of dogmaticsectarian opportunist tendencies seen in rejection and underestimation of the united front, and in narrow, limited actions running ahead of the masses and causing isolation from them, and which leads to frustration and apathy. Above all, the Party must conduct an uncompromising struggle to eradicate from its ranks every vestige of the destructive evil of factionalism.

Major developments today are forcing many basic questions into the arena of public debate. Among these are questions which arise out of the developments toward peace and disarmament, as well as questions which arise out of the move toward peaceful competition. This has also given rise to a tremendous curiosity and interest in the Socialist world. Millions of people in our country today are beginning to weigh two social systems.

This interest is spurred by the tremendous developments of the Socialist world in the fields of science, education, industry and agriculture, as well as the historic Soviet seven-year plan which promises such epoch making advances.

The peace policy and initiatives of the Soviet Union and the recent proposal for total disarmament exert an even greater influence in world affairs, and has struck a responsive chord in the mass desire to avoid the holocaust of an atomic

[ocr errors]

It is therefore timely and essential to demonstrate anew the superiority of socialism over capitalism and the promise which Socialism holds of a happy and peaceful life for humanity.

Especially now, therefore, in order to make our Marxist contribution to the general welfare, to multiply our mass influence and build the party as a mass party, ve Communists must expand our advocacy of socialism. We must explain how with the socialist reorganization of society our country, with its great working àlass, resources and technology, can bring forth an age of economic, cultural, social, intellectual and democratic well-being far beyond the boldest dreams of any generation of Americans. We must show that the Communist Party advocates and strives to help bring into existence this new social system by peaceful and democratic means, and we must show that in this new socialist society there will

« PreviousContinue »