The basic question of world politics in our epoch is to prevent an effort to resolve this contradiction by means of a devastating nuclear war. In the Comm Inist view, the danger of war is rooted in the very nature and operation of monopoly and imperialism. The cold war as it developed in the period after World War II is the specific product of the expansionist drive of U.8. monopoly for control of the world. It rests essentially on the actual use or the threat to use overwhelaing military and economic power to contain and subvert socialism and the colonial revolutions, while seeking to subordinate to American Big Business all other leading capitalist countries, as well as the new nations striving for industrial and social development. Its motivating force is the drive for maximum profits, which is the very law of monopoly. Progressive social change wherever it my occur is opposed by monopoly as a threat to its privileges, which are grounded in the old social order everywhere.

The cold war policy can lead only to disaster, because it is based on the supposition that imperialism still rules the world as of old, whereas in fact imperialism is no longer dominant in the world. If pursued, the cold war policy can lead to the isolation of the United States. Even worse, it can carry us into a nuclear war in which this country as well as all other belligerents could be devastated by the new weapons of total destruction. The only alternative is a policy of peaceful coexistence among all nations, irrespective of the nature of their social systems and level of national development.

Buch a change of course requires a political struggle in the United States for a long-range peace policy based on the realities of the new world structure. Socialism is here to stay in all the countries where it has already been established, and it is a thriving and growing system. The era of colonialism and of other forms of imperialist domination is coming to an end -- in Latin America, as well as in Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The rapid progress of socialism in the Soviet Union, China and the other people's democracies has become the nav focus of world development. These are the realities which require, as a matter of national necessity, which is peace, a turn from the cold war to a national policy of peaceful coexistence with the Soviet Union, the leading power of the Socialist world. Cooperation for peace between the United States and the Soviet Union is the pivot of peace in the present-day world. It can become the determining factor that will bring all countries -- capitalist, socialist and newly developing natione -- within the orbit of a world peace diplomacy.

To replace the cold war policy with a national diplomacy of peaceful coexistence requires an all-sided struggle directed at curbing the power of monopoly at home, forcing it into necessary concessions and adaptations to a policy of negotiations, mutual disarmament, abolition of nuclear weapons, military disengagements, non-intervention in domestic affairs of other nations, and other policies essential to peace. This is a realizable and workable alternative to the cold war in the present vorld structure.

Communists believe that such a turn is made possible by the conjuncture of world and domestic forces, which raises realistic prospects in the period before us of drastically restricting and frustrating the world expansionism of monopoly. On a global scale, socialist progress and other revolutionary changes within the outmoded imperialist structure, as well as the mounting strength of the labor and democratic movements in many countries, create confidence that the forces of peace are strong enough to prevent aggression leading to war.

Furthermore, the prospect that the socialist countries within a decade will exceed the economic level of the capitalist world, with corresponding social and democratic advances, means that we will be approaching a situation in which it will be possible to eliminate the very danger of war, even while the United States and other countries remain capitalist. Therefore, the possibility exists in the real relation of forces, and in the course of actual world development, of turning aside those drives of reaction and monopoly which generate the war danger. This can be achieved by a parallel or combined struggle of all those within the country who see the necessity for ending the cold war and all world forces that stand for peace.

These promising prospects should not obscure the very real war dangers that still exist in the propensity of die-hard imperialists to obstruct, contain and subvert all progressive social and nationalist movements. Nor can the danger be overlooked that political developments in the United States itself my proceed in the reactionary direction, should dominant monopoly sectors be left free to pursue a fascist course, in response to the internal and world crisis of the system, thus creating new var tensions. Therefore, the struggle by the people for a democratic way out of the growing social crisis in the United States in the period immediately ahead can prove decisive with respect to peace.

Communists do not view the fight for peace as a tactic or maneuver, aimed at securing exclusive advantages for the socialist world, or any power in it. Nor do they consider it a means of advancing their own party interests in the United States. They consider peace realizable in the present world structure. They do not hide their view that socialism as a system of society is superior to capitalism and that accordingly, as a result of the historical process, socialism will win in the competition of the two systems. With this firm confidence in progress, and with their conviction that the peace forces the world over are strong enough to prevent war, it would be sheer madness for Communists to count on socialism arising from nuclear devastation and death.

In the Communist approach, peace is a basic aim, like social progress and socfalism itself. It is mistaken to place the problem as if peace were realizable only through socialism. It is true that socialist society intrinsically generates peace, while capitalism gives birth to the war danger. But in this era of socialist progress and imperialist disintegration, when extended peace-ful coexistence between the systems is possible of achievement and has become a necessity of the very life of nations, the slogan of "peace through socialism" ignores the actuality that makes peace possible in our time.

Nor is the opposite view "socialism through peace" -- an accurate reflection of the real situation. Socialism, or social progress in general, does not automatically follow from peace; the fight for peace and the struggle for social progress are inseparable.

Peace and democracy, peace and full employment, peace and social progress this is the way Commnists see the problem. The cause of peace and the cause of social progress are interwoven in all phases. Full employment in a peace economy is the only kind of full employment worth fighting for. Full employment in a war economy means death. A democratic and cultural revival in the land is inconceivable without the end of the cold war and a constant struggle to assure peace. Greater security of job and of life itself is today the product of economic and democratic struggles of the great masses of people.

If Communists considered the fight for peace merely a tactic, they could have shed it to avoid ostracism and persecution at all levels of community and public life, including prison and loss of jobs, and constant slander as foreign agents and traitors. Because they considered peace fundamental to the security and progress of the American people, during the height of the cold war and the anti-Commumist crusade, and despite the bans and expulsions in the trade unions, the Communists constantly opposed the self-defeating foreign policy and its accompaniments of reaction in domestic affairs. Together with other like-minded Americans, they fought for peaceful coexistence for they believed this was the way to uphold the genuine national interests of the United States.

In the past and today, the Communist opposition to the cold var policy of their government arises from real concern for the future of the country. Communists support the peace diplomacy of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries not because they are agents of these governments, or because they feel committed in advance to anything socialist states may propose. The fact is that the Soviet Union and other socialist countries have followed consistently a policy of peaceful coexistence, as is recognized by many non-Communists as well. Such a policy has become a national necessity for all countries. It is the recognition of this necessity by their own government that American Commists consider the principal task in the field of foreign policy. They support all staps or aspects of policy which move in that direction,

Obviously, the advocates of peace in the United States by far outnumber those who recognize monopoly and imperialim as the source of the war danger. Although Communists expound their own views on the matter, the question of responsibility for the cold war cannot be permitted to stand in the way of a united democratic struggle for peace on the broadest common grounds. The Communists therefore adopt as a tactical orientation the policy of common action and united front with all ●lements -- no matter of what class or political ideology -- that agree on initial steps to end the cold war and on the necessity of a new long-range national policy of peaceful coexistence.

Together with others in the labor movement, the Commmists have opposed the policy of the dominant trade union leadership in support of the cold war and nuclear arms race, as detrimental alike to the interests of labor and of the nation. They will continue to fight in labor's ranks for a policy of peace based on international labor solidarity, total disarmament, curbing monopoly's drive for maximum profits at home and abroad, full employment in a demilitarized peace economy, and recognition of the principles of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other nations, national independence against imperialism, and co-operation for peace with the socialist countries.

COMMITTEE EXHIBIT NO. 5

3. Competition Between the Two Systeme

Competition between the two world systems of capitalism and socialism is the earmark of our era. The outcome of this competition determines the course of world history in this period. Communists believe that under the new conditions. the inter-system competition can and should be actively kept within peaceful bounds, in the common interest of all humanity and in the national interest of every nation. Furthermore, they believe that there can and should be positive cooperation between capitalist and socialist countries to settle world disputes by negotiations, to achieve total disarmament, and to increase trade and culturalscientific interchange among them.

Such cooperation can prove to be mutually advantageous. Under conditions of active peaceful coexistence, present-day socialist society can proceed more effectively and more swiftly to create the economic level at which communism can begin to emerge. In a communist society, as Marz said, together with the all-sided development of the individual, the production forces also will grow, and all the sources of social wealth will flow more abundantly. On this basis society will be able to inscribe on its banner: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need." All steps to eliminate intervention and hostile pressures from the capitalist world will enhance among the socialist countries themselves the process of cooperation according to the principles of their society. Together, they will develop, more fully and freely, planned proportional development, realized through mutual help and fraternal cooperation in the form of an international socialist division of labor, specialization and coordination of production. Accordingly, they will better be able to realize the proclaimed aim of entering into the higher phase of communist society more or less simultaneously.

Cooperation to assure peace and the extension of trade and cultural-scientific interchange will also serve the best interests of the American people. Under present-day conditions, and in view of the trend of world development, peace is a national interest of the United States, the recognition of which by all sections of the population and all classes has become a matter of national necessity. In addition to this overriding interest, such cooperation leading to total disarmment offers an effective means of relieving the burden of unemployment, taxes and inflation, of developing our science and technology for peaceful rather than destructive purposes, and of reducing the influence in our national life of militariem and other reactionary forces which are nourished by a war psychosis.

Cooperation for peace and related aims develops within the framework of a fundamental competition between capitalist and socialist societies, the basic principles of which are diametrically opposed. Active peaceful co-existence provides the opportunity for the fullest, freest and non-violent working out of this historic competition, in its many aspects and phases. Active peaceful co-existence cannot help but have an important influence upon the national policies of both capitalist and socialist nations, and even upon certain aspects of internal development. But each social system, essentially, will continue to develop in accordance with its objective laws, and each nation, moreover, along the lines of its peculiar historical background and structure.

It would, therefore, be erroneous to consider peaceful competition as paramount to the suspension of social conflicts, to the muting of the class struggle, and to the freezing of world relations. On the contrary, inter-system competition is a dynamic condition, itself the outcome of the conflict of forces at home and on a world scale, and in turn leading to further changes in the world structure. There is no ground for the supposition that competition between the systems implies in any manner the stabilization of capitalism. The status of capitalism ie determined essentially by its own contradictions, which operate in the direction of the eventual replacement of capitalism by socialien. The present trend of world development leads to deeper contradictions within the capitalist system and toward a still more acute phase of the general crisis of the system.

At he present time in the United States, there is beginning to take shape two principal and opposing views with respect to the competition of systems. On the one side, there are powerful monopoly and reactionary forces which present competition from the socialist world as a threat to the United States, and attempt to use this alleged threat as a pretense for an all-round attack upon the living standards, democratic liberties and peaceful aspirations of the great majority of the American people. These forces would continue the cold war, and to that end they obstruct and oppose all stemps towards a national policy of peaceful coexistence. On the other side, there is the view that competition between the systems should be turned to the advantage of the American people for the purpose of gaining new ground to improve the conditions of the people, preserve democracy and further the cause of peace. Communists share this view,

As much as the Communist Party would like to see the United States come out the victor in the peaceful competition of systems, this cannot be realized as long as the United States remains capitalist. Due to the economic lead held by the United States, it will be able to remain ahead of the Soviet Union, the leading socialist nation, for some years. In the longer run, however -- and this may well be within a decade or so -- a capitalist United States will lose the competition, as the USSR emerges as the leading world economic power, with the highest level of the economy and with the greater production per person, resulting in higher standards of living, culture, education, science, and of the individual's personal security and freedom. This is because socialism is proving itself able to exceed the American rate of economic growth by three or four times, to make much more rational use of its production and of science, and to plan its development along balanced lines.

But the mere fact that in the long run capitalism will lose the competition with socialism, and is already beginning to lose it in some essential respects, does not mean that the road to progress is closed for the United States. In truth, if monopoly is permitted by the American people to exploit the competition of systems for its own exclusive narrow interests not only will the conditions of life in the country deteriorate in every respect, but peace itself will be endangered. Thus the very possibility of keeping inter-system competition within peaceful bounds depends, to a decisive degree, upon the regeneration of those forces of democracy and progress in the United States that can limit and impede the free play of monopoly in our economy and in government. The present world structure, and the direction of world events, are favorable to such a revival.

Communists take the view that the wide gap in the rates of growth as between capitalism and socialism can be narrowed, to the benefit of the American people and to world peace, as the result of the regeneration of the democratic mass movement. Monopoly capital creates its own obstacles to economic growth, which are built into the system, and moreover, mere economic growth under capitalism is not necessarily translated into social progress, as under socialism. To counter-act the retarding influence of monopoly and to assure benefits to the people from new economic advances, an all-round struggle against monopoly is necessary to curb its power in the economy and in government, to impede the drive for maximum profits, and to obtain the maximum economic growth possible under present-day capitalism. This means a struggle of all our democratic forces, and especially labor, for a full-employment peace economy, for defense and extension of democracy, and for structural reforms that will limit the power of monopoly and increase the power of the popular forces to intervene in the direction of the economy and of government.

In our society, an accelerated rate of growth can be achieved only. in spite of monopoly and in the fight against it. When big business can operate at a profit at less than half capacity, and when it can gather in an increasing share of the surplus produced in the entire economy, monopoly has no incentive to raise the tempo of industrial growth. If the economy lags at a stagnant level, using only a part of existing capacity, this is not due to faulty economic policies; it arises from the very nature of monopoly capitalism. If the economy is to approach a condition of full production and full employment under conditions of peace, there will have to be much more radical interference with the prerogatives and privileges of monopoly than most reform programs envision. Monopoly will have to be fought, counter-acted, its mode of control and operation severely restricted -all of which can result only from great struggles of the people.

American monopoly attempts to meet the competition of world socialism at the expense of the American people. Communists believe, and attempt to convince everyone concerned, that the American labor and democratic movement must come to understand the relation between the frustration of imperialism in the world and the curbing of monopoly at home, if they are going to overcome the stagnation and decay arising from monopoly, and thus open the road to the rapid growth of which our country is capable.

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COMMITTEE EXHIBIT NO. 6

4. The Current Struggle and the Socialist Aim

Commamists have always held, and believe today, that the decisive question of the struggle for socialism is the transfer of state power to the working class and its allies. This has taken place in different ways, according to the specific circumstances of the country and the times. The Soviet form of the dictatorship of the proletariat was the product of the revolutionary struggle against teariam and capitalism in Russia. After World War II, the working class and its allies came to power in Eastern Europe and then in China and other Asian lands as the result of a struggle and under conditions radically different from those of the Socialist Revolution of 1917 in Russia. The states of people's democracy which came into existence took on the function of the proletarian dictatorship and fulfill that role today.

In the present period, in the new world relation of forces, many new variations may emerge along the road to the transfer of power to the working class and its allies, as well as in the ensuing form of proletarian rule. Already early in the postwar period, the U.S. Communist Party--as well as the British, French, Italian and others saw in the new world situation then emerging the possibilities of a peaceful democratic struggle for socialism. With the further growth of the forces of peace, democracy and socialism, the IXth Congress (1956) and the 12-Party declaration (1957) expressed prevailing world Communist opinion when they emphasized the prospects for a great multiplicity of forms, including the possibility in a number of countries of a parliamentary transition to socialism, without civil war.

These new prospects of advance to socialism are inseparable from the struggle to prevent another global war. In connection with the Seven-Year Plan of the Soriet Union, the XXIst Congress (1959) raised the bold prospect of not only preventing war in the period ahead but, going beyond this, the elimination of the war danger, even while part of the world remains capitalist. The very struggle by the peace forces the world over to realize such possibilities stimulates social progress; further successes in the fight for peace would greatly favor the forces of democracy and socialism.

As countries recently freed from colonialism or fighting its remnants take the socialist path many new features will be revealed. Certainly, still other new features will be displayed as countries of highly developed capitalism and a democratic political structure advance toward socialism.

Whatever new features and forms appear, the only new stage of society possible in the United States is socialism. The recent history of American capitalism fully demonstrates Lénin's basic conclusion that imperialism or monopoly capitaliem ie a stage of capitalism, the highest or last stage. Monopoly is not a superstructure built upon free-competition capitalism; it is the very structure of present-day capitalism in the United States, although still retaining many elements of the earlier free-competition stage. Monopoly grew out of free competition, increasingly replaced and subordinated it, and transformed the structure of the economy. It is therefore impossible to go back to a free-competition, nonmonopoly stage of capitalism by removing monopoly from capitalism. The "removal" of monopoly can result only in the next stage of society, socialism.

The highest level of productive forces possible under capitalism is reached in its monopoly stage, and the United States demonstrates the very high level to which they can be developed. But by the same process, the concentration of monopoly power is also pushed to the extreme, thereby building up the actual and potential tendency of monopoly to restrict the development of the productive forces. Thus is accentuated in a particularly marked form the basic contradiction between the ever growing potential of the forces of production and the restrictive role of the capitalist relations of production. This contradiction can be resolved decisively only by freeing the productive forces from monopoly capital, so that they can be utilized fully for human betterment and social progress. And this must of necessity entail a fundamental social transformation which abolishes the capitalist relations of production, founded on private ownership of the basic economy and on the exploitation of labor, and establishes socialist relations of production, based on public ownership and the abolition of class exploitation.

Accordingly, there can arise no intermediate stage of American society in between present-day capitalism and socialism. Therefore, the new forms and features that may arise on the road to working-class rule in this country would not be associated with some new intermediate form of society, as seen by reformism