The History, Civil, Political and Military, of the Southern Rebellion: From Its Incipient Stages to Its Close. Comprehending, Also, All Important State Papers, Ordinances of Secession, Proclamations, Proceedings of Congress, Official Reports of Commanders, Etc., Etc, Volume 2
J.D. Torrey, 1861
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The History, Civil, Political and Military, of the Southern ..., Volume 2
Orville James Victor
No preview available - 1861
action adopted advance arms army arrived attack authority Baltimore battery became brigade camp Captain cause citizens Colonel command communication companies Confederacy Confederate Congress Constitution Convention course Davis defense Department direct duty enemy entire Executive existing expressed Federal field fire followed force give Government Governor guns hands honor House hundred immediately interests issued July Kentucky killed land laws Legislature loss loyal Major Maryland meet ment miles military Missouri movement necessary North Northern occupied officers Ohio organization party passed peace persons position present President proclamation protection question reached rebels regard regiment Resolved road secession Second Secretary secure Senator sent Slave soon South Southern spirit taken Tennessee thousand tion treason troops Union United vessels Virginia volunteers vote Washington wounded York
Page 7 - It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the \ United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
Page 6 - It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the...
Page 8 - Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.
Page 231 - On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men; to lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life.
Page 7 - I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper...
Page 7 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts ; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.
Page 9 - States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
Page 7 - States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever — it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Page 229 - This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a state — to each state of our Federal Union. Our states have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution — no one of them ever having been a state out of the Union.