The great start popular education made in the Protestant cantons induced the Catholic Church to similar efforts. The resolutions of the Council of Trent with reference to the establishment of schools for the young were brought nearer their execution by Episcopal orders in 1564. Thus in the democratic cantons of original Switzerland (Urschweiz) a system of rural elementary schools was established in a comparatively short time. Much less favorable were the prospects in the rural districts of the so-called Catholic city cantons. Solothurn (or Soleure) was the only canton whose government bestowed attention upon education in the open country and granted financial aid to good teachers. In the districts belonging to Freiburg, Luzerne, and other towns, over which Zürich and Berne had no influence, the rural school system was either left undeveloped or was totally neglected. This state of affairs continued till the ancient confederation broke to pieces in 1798.

The reaction caused by the devastation of the terrible thirty-years' war in central European culture was spared to Switzerland. But the social turmoil caused by the cruel peasants' war had a partial reaction upon the rural schools. Thus the government of the Catholic canton Solothurn, that had done much for the maintenance of schools, resolved as follows: "It is left free to the peasants to keep schoolmasters, but the lords of the manors will no longer contribute to their support." In the Protestant city cantons the school regulations of the first half of the eighteenth century are, with exception of unessential variations, copies of those in vogue during the seventeenth century.

Under such circumstances it can scarcely be called an advantage that the clergy in the rural districts and villages withdrew from the actual business of teaching and left it to secular teachers. The school did not gain in reputation thereby, and it was moreover removed from the good will of the ruling powers, since the latter were essentially religious. But as a foundation of subsequent development of the schools this change was of the most vital importance. The profession of teaching, and the people's school, became thus a subject of independent interest, and the intellectual movement (the era of enlightenment) that characterized the second half of the eighteenth century did not hesitate to take hold of the problem of popular education with enthusiasm and persistence, a thing that would have been impossible if the schools had still been appendages of the church and teaching a function of the pastors.

Indeed, the last few decades of the eighteenth century manifested great efforts in behalf of popular education. We notice in all the cantons beginnings of school reform borne by popular will and proving to be spontaneous. The reform of the whole school system of Zürich, during the years from 1765 to 1774, is remarkable, not so much for its results and immediate improvements, as by the zeal and enthusiasm with which the clergy and statesmen studied the existing conditions

and the means of improvement, in order to create a system that should be a model for other cantons. The Helvetian Society (founded in 1761) offered its hall and moral aid to the school reformers. The seminary Holdenstein-Marschlins (founded 1761 by Martin Planta), gave a shining example of natural education for higher classes, several years previous to the opening of the Philanthropin in Dessau, Germany.

It is well known how much sympathetic interest Pestalozzi found among the Bernese mayors (Landvögte) of the vicinity, when he made his educational attempts at Neuhof. In the convents of Kreuzlingen and St. Urban, Felbiger's methods were introduced, and the publication of text-books and appliances in accordance with them was pushed zealously. Suitable candidates and teachers were prepared by special courses of instruction. Yet, despite all these laudable attempts, the result consisted more in lamentations over the inadequacy of existing institutions than in tangible results. The people had become painfully conscious of the low condition of education, and groped vainly for remedies that would improve the entire system.

For, generally speaking, the Swiss school system at the close of the eighteenth century, even in the most progressive cantons, stood on a lower plane of development than that of many a principality in Germany at that time. The rural schools were open in winter only; here and there school was kept a few half days per week in summer. The teachers were frequently not in possession of the most scanty elementary knowledge; they were dependent upon the pastor of the place, poorly paid, supported chiefly by tuition fees which they had to collect themselves. They were often obliged to ply a trade, or serve as sacristan in church to increase their scanty income. Their election was nearly always determined by exterior causes (such as being a resident, in needy circumstances, and having a suitable room that could be used for school purposes) than by their professional preparation and moral character. Few localities had their own school houses; the rooms used for school purposes often served as workshops and as a part of the family dwelling. Here and there the school was an ambulatory one, hence the necessity arose to board the schoolmaster, who spent one week at each house or settlement. To institute general attendance at school of all the children of a district was impossible, owing to inadequate provision for seating all. There were scarcely beginnings made in methodical treatment of the matter of instruction, or the grading of pupils, in providing for proper seats and suitable appliances for teaching. This is the picture of the Swiss rural school system, as it appeared in 1799, in the replies to queries sent out by the minister of state, Mr. Stapfer. In small towns the circumstances were not much better.

The cause of such a disproportion between conception and execution lay in the prevailing idea concerning the relation of the state to the

schools in Switzerland as well as in other countries. The eighteenth century generally considered the state's duty to consist essentially in organizing public order and securing safety; civilizing agencies such as public education, were thought to lie outside the pale of the state, and given over into the hands of the church, securing only the state's natural right of supervision. The state's budget was in no wise. adapted to maintain and promote education. The conviction that it was the moral duty of the state to provide means for schools, was lacking entirely; and we have eloquent proofs of the fact, that the imperial decree, dated Vienna, October 13, 1770, which characterized the school system to be a "politicum," was considered novel and revolutionary.

The idea of using public lands for school purposes and for raising means for their support, was considered wrong, "one which no wellwishing citizen would ever entertain" (words of Antistes Ulrich of Zürich in his memorial on improving the rural schools, 1776). Hence voluntary contributions for the purchase of urgent necessities were called for and liberally spent, but of course were inadequate for a thorough reform of the whole system. This patchwork with insufficient means, attempted with the best of intentions and good will, was going on when the great revolution took place that shattered the ancient confederation and erected in its place a unified State, "The Helvetian Republic, one and indivisible."

C. THE PERIOD OF CENTRALIZED GOVERNMENT, 1798-1803.

The French revolution abruptly changed the conception of the rela tion between state and school. It was a natural consequence of its current, directed as it was, against the church, and wherever the revolutionary ideas entered, the school became a subject of governmental concern. To this was added another consideration: The revolution felt in the very beginning the need of giving expression to the humane principles of the era of enlightenment in which it had its origin, and of replacing the traditional and historically developed, but always inadequate social and political institutions, with finished, systematic constitutions. It would have been a disavowal of its most ideal aspirations, if it had not recognized the duty of enlightening the citizens, and hence caring for public education of the young.

Switzerland also, which was remodeled in 1798 into a unified state according to the French model, adopted a constitution which expressed the principles mentioned, that is, that the state assumed the duty of enlightenment and public education. The first draft of the constitution (an imitation of the French directorial constitution) written by Peter Ochs in 1798, sounded rather theoretical and abstract:

ARTICLE 4. The two bases of the public weal are security and enlightenment. Enlightenment is preferable to wealth.

But the constitution opened a chance for the appointment of a minister of arts and sciences, and how abidingly this man has impressed

public consciousness with the state's duty toward education, may be seen from the fact, that all subsequent constitutions and drafts of constitutions (for they were changed frequently) during the time of centralized government, touch upon education strongly.

Under the most difficult circumstances, at a time when Switzerland was the seat of wars carried on by foreign powers, and face to face with destitution and misery, and at a time, moreover, when fierce internal political contests made abiding order impossible, the foundation of a national Swiss school system was to be established. And it was done. The "directorium" (executive) appointed, May, 1798, a minister of arts and sciences, Mr. Phillip Albrecht Stapfer, of Brugg. When he in 1800 was sent to Paris as ambassador of Switzerland his successor, Mr. Melchior Mohr, of Lucerne, continued Stapfer's work in the direction in which it was begun. Stapfer's leading idea was: "We must prove to the world that from our revolution arises a gain for true human culture."

As early as November 18, 1798, the Government (directorium) submitted to the legislative council a bill concerning the lower city schools, which bill had been prepared by Stapfer, who aimed at a uniform system of elementary people's schools for the whole country. These elementary schools he intended to lead up to a system of intermediate or citizens' schools, over which should be placed the reorganized classical secondary schools, and as apex to the pyramid he designed a national central school for higher education. The bill was read and discussed for the first time in the spring of 1799, was then referred to a committee, and there was neglected.

Nevertheless, Stapfer began the work of reorganization with a will. He was empowered by the executive to take the most necessary measures toward reform, hence elections were ordered for cantonal educational councilors (state commissioners) and school inspectors, and Stapfer, with the permission of the executive, issued instructions for these officials. These instructions are a beautiful monument not only of his enthusiasm and pedagogical insight, but also of his honest endeavors to win over public opinion in favor of school reform, without regard to politics, by perfect candor in reference to his own ideas and by a sympathetic consideration of every suggestion arising from interest in public education. His instructions are conspicuous by an utter absence of bureaucratic flavor. They have reference to things the importance of which only the present time has learned to value, as, for instance, control of hygienic measures.

In order to obtain a clear statement of the conditions of the Swiss schools he had printed a circular letter, in 1799, containing a number of plain questions. The letter was sent to every school-teacher in Switzerland. During the year 1800 the replies arrived with few exceptions. They form an invaluable source of information concerning the condition of the schools at that time. Stapfer made repeated endeavors

to establish professional courses for teachers, and supported and aided his secretary, Fischer, in Castle Burgdorf in his efforts at elevating the teachers. He it was, also, who by constant reminders induced the central Government to aid Pestalozzi in his enterprises.

It is one of the best features of the Helvetian Government that, though it at times failed to know where to get the money for the most pressing needs, it backed Pestalozzi with firm confidence. The appropriations for the orphan asylum in Stans were ample. For his attempts in the elementary school at Burgdorf the Government paid Pestalozzi a small salary; he owed to this same Government the security with which he could pursue his educational experiments, by having the free use of the castle at Burgdorf. The Government aided him further financially in preparing candidates for the teacher's profession, that is, with a sum quite considerable in comparison with other appropriations. This same Helvetian-central Government, during the last few months of its existence in 1803 enabled Pestalozzi to publish his schoolbooks by paying him a handsome subsidy. It acted as a godfather to Pestalozzi's work, and whatever was free from the dross of political confusion during this Helvetian period, its genuine ideal aspiration has been saved for future generations by Pestalozzi; it has subsequently become a positive gain for Switzerland and the whole of humanity.

The Helvetian Government laid at least certain foundations upon which the future could build. Its resolutions of December 4-6, 1800, prescribed that every community should be obliged to furnish a schoolroom and the proper amount of fuel to keep school open during the winter, and to pay teacher a salary of at least 80 francs per annum. Compulsory education was decreed, making it the duty of every father to send his children and wards to school during the winter.

D. THE NAPOLEONIC ERA, 1803-1813. THE TIME OF MEDIATION.

The seed planted by the Helvetian centralized Government began to germinate during the quiet decade following the overthrow of that Government and the adoption of a constitution March 10, 1803, which decentralized the union and made of it what it formerly was, a confederation of states. Now that the form of unity was broken, the men who had served Stapfer as lieutenants began to agitate the school question in the separate states or.cantons. Most of the school laws passed by the legislative bodies of the cantons, and the regulations decreed by the various executive authorities, all are characterized by the idea that the care for the education of the young is "indispensable and one of the highest objects of the state," "a holy duty of the government." It had become obvious that the idea of the state's neutrality in matters of public education, prevalent before 1798, was untenable.

However, the amounts that the states thought themselves able to spend for the school system were measured out very economically. All the greater was the enthusiasm of private citizens. A great number of institutions arose in cities and in the country for the purpose of affording the sons of well to-do families a better education than hitherto. Pestalozzi's educational enterprise at Yverdun became popular and very suc

It soon became the place of pilgrimage for native and foreign