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Senator AUSTIN. Or the rights under them.

Mr. BELL. That is right, sir.

Senator MAYBANK. I do not think any of the witnesses have criticized the record of labor.

Senator AUSTIN. They have given them great praise.

Mr. BELL. Labors accomplishments have been magnificent, but not enough.

Senator AUSTIN. They do not represent the whole labor force of America and they probably will not be affected by this bill should it become a law. The people who will be affected by compulsion, if it is exercised in this bill, will not be members of any labor union. You will find your labor unions right up to the mark all of the time. Senator CHANDLER. Off the record.

(Discussion was had outside the record.)

Senator AUSTIN. Are there any other questions, gentlemen?
We will adjourn until 10:30 tomorrow morning.

(Whereupon, at 4:45 p. m., an adjournment was taken until

10:30 a. m., Thursday, February 15, 1945.)

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April 17, 1944

Question. Do you think the men who are turned down by the Army because they are not physically fit for fighting, but who are able to work in war plants, should be taken into the Army and given jobs in order to free young men in war plants for combat service?

Yes, 78 percent; no, 15 percent; no opinion, 7 percent.

February 6, 1944

Question. What is your opinion of the proposal to draft people for war jobs? Answer. Of those having an opinion: Approved, 55 percent; approval only if necessary, 21 percent; disapproved, 24 percent.

Answer. Of people who think they would be affected: Approved, 59 percent; approval only if necessary, 19 percent; disapproved, 22 percent.

February 9, 1945

Most people in the country agree that 250,000 more war workers are needed right away. Which of these two ways of getting workers do you think should be followed? (1) Continue trying to do it as at present by asking people to take more jobs? (2) Pass a law which would permit the drafting of certain civilian workers for war jobs?

Answer: Favor keeping voluntary methods, 39 percent; favor drafting people, 53 percent; uncertain, 8 percent.

February 9, 1945

Question: Government and Army officials say it is absolutely necessary to have more men to work in munitions plants and war industries. Do you think Congress should pass a law to permit local draft boards to draft civilians between 21 and 45 who are able to work for these industries?

Yes, 56 percent; no, 36 percent; uncertain, 8 percent.

Mr. BELL. The editorial comments reflecting in good measure the feeling in the Senators' home communities are significant. I have kept close watch on editorials on this issue, and the overwhelming majority recognize the need for manpower legislation. I have here selected editorials from the States of all of the members of this committee and might I ask

Senator O'MAHONEY. That was just a happenstance?

Mr. BELL. No, sir; I did it purposely and deliberately.

Senator BURTON. You could have gotten them from 48 States.
Mr. BELL. Yes.

Senator BURTON. And on both sides.

Mr. BELL. Yes, sir. I offer these for the record.

Senator AUSTIN. Without objection, they may be printed. (The matter referred to follows:)

EDITORIAL COMMENT RELATING TO NATIONAL SERVICE LEGISLATION

Charleston (W. Va.) Gazette:

"It is with a great deal of satisfaction that the American people see what may be a real movement toward total mobilization of all our resources for war. What the people not only hope but demand is that the effort be 100 percent and that there be no delay.

"What has worried the thinking people ever since Pearl Harbor has been the evident reluctance or timidity of the Government to marshal all of the country's civilian forces and resources. Why there should ever have been any fear that the people would not go all the way cheerfully and gladly is what we cannot understand."

Birmingham (Ala.) Age-Herald, January 19, 1945:

"The people of the Nation are willing to accept this act as a war emergency

measure.

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Ottumwa (Iowa) Courier, January 19, 1945:

"There never has been legislation of national scope which didn't develop a lot of confused arguments against it. Congressmen accustomed to handling such procedure usually know how to cut through it and bring out a bill that at least comes somewhere near the original aim."

Lewiston (Idaho) Tribune, January 17, 1945:

"Those to whom this war has struck home in full force are in no mood to quibble or shirk when dire necessity calls. They will ardently embrace every privation and every sacrifice-anything and everything which will make this war 1 day shorter.'

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New York Times, January 19, 1945:

"Certainly the May-Bailey bill, if promptly enacted by Congress in a form which establishes effective control of manpower in the large 18- to 45-age group, would have results of great importance."

Buffalo Courier-Express, January 18, 1945:

"This is every American's war; and the Government needs full power to see that every American does his or her share to win it."

New York Evening Post, January 11, 1945:

"War production must not drop." Congress "must make it possible to organize our men and women into industrial divisions behind one Army and Navy by passing a national service act."

Brooklyn Eagle, January 15, 1945:

Headline on a double-column editorial: "Objections to a national service law seem trivial."

New York Herald Tribune, January 6, 1945:

"The logic of a national service law was never clearer, not merely as a means toward as early a victory as possible and the saving of countless lives but as the only fair distribution of the burden of conflict."

Syracuse Herald-Journal, January 10, 1945:

Headline on editorial: "National war service law is the right answer."

Columbia (S. C.) State:

"We believe * * * that we cannot win an all-out war against an all-out enemy with half way measures.

this fact."

But it may take Congress a long time to absorb

Ogden (Utah) Standard-Examiner, January 8, 1945:

"A tough situation calls for tough measures and a vigorous response by a tough and courageous people."

Chattanooga (Tenn.) News-Free Press, January 8, 1945:

"The arming of the men on the battle fronts is the one big job. should take the bit in its teeth and speed through to a manpower draft."

Louisville Courier Journal, January 31, 1945:

*

Congress

"The real purpose of the law * * is national service for national security without which all else will fail. If the Government is to be accorded a power, it must wield that power undisputed, or else there is no validity in our institutions." Paducah (Ky.) Sun Democrat, February 2, 1945:

"The national service legislation finally whipped into shape in the House does not completely satisfy even its sponsors, but it is better than nothing and can be strengthened by sound administration if approved by the Senate.

* *

*

"This country made a mistake at the outset by not passing legislation providing for complete dedication of its resources to the war program. Therefore, it is better to have half a loaf now than to risk the curtailment of production that resulted the last time we got into an optimistic frame of mind." Manchester (N. H.) Union, February 3, 1945:

"If this is the best bill that can be obtained to meet the manpower problem, it should be promptly adopted by the Senate.

"We cannot, we must not, fail our fighting men by leaving any chance that they will not have everything they need to carry the war against both Germany and Japan to a final victory.'

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bill, but I think we must feel that half a loaf is better than nothing at all. So we strongly endorse the measure that you gentlemen are now considering.

Senator BRIDGES. Do you have any recommendations for any amendments to it, or any suggested form of legislation that you believe would be more effective and more helpful?

Mr. BELL. Of course, I think a revival of the old Austin-Wadsworth bill would be a grand thing and would do the job as it should be done. But the House has already taken favorable action on this bill and we urge you gentlemen to do likewise.

There is one thing which occurs to me. I think the words used in the May-Bailey bill referring to liability such as work in "the national health, safety, or interest" are too broad and indefinite. The words used in Senator Austin's bill referring to work in war industries, agriculture, and other occupations, essential to the war effort are much better.

Senator AUSTIN. Let me say I did not prompt the suggestion. I am glad it has come in view of the comments of the learned Senator from Wyoming.

Senator O'MAHONEY. I think it would have been very wise had you prompted it, but since it comes without prompting, perhaps it is a little stronger. I know the Senator from Vermont, had he wanted to make the suggestion directly, would have made it instead of prompting. Mr. BELL. I consulted no one.

Senator O'MAHONEY. Of course not. Let me say I think the language of that bill is much better.

Mr. BELL. I do, too.

Senator BURTON. What you are interested in is bringing about the greatest possible support of the military movement through war production. The particular form is not the thing that concerns you so much. For example, if the May bill involved the Selective Service agencies to carry it out, and we could feel the Selective Service agencies did pick out the men, that the War Manpower Commission should allocate them, that would not concern you so much?

Mr. BELL. No; because I feel selection by the selective service boards will mean that your neighbors pick you out; they are bound to know more about the qualifications and situation of men selected than someone in an office in Washington; the assignment is an executive function and must be performed by that branch of the Government. Senator BURTON. This being a limited bill, it applies only to men between 18 and 45, and therefore does not apply to women and men under 18 and over 45, and therefore applies to only about one-third of the labor force; what are we going to do to get the two-thirds and the one-third working on the greatest production?

Mr. BELL. I do not think this bill will make any difference how they work together; I think the real job would be to increase the age groups and get everyone in.

Senator BURTON. It would make a great deal of difference if one group were handled by one official and the rest by some other official; you would have confusion and interruption instead of increased production. But you favor whatever would bring about the greater production?

Mr. BELL. Yes.

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