"Pedestrians in the path of the invaders were attacked by the advancing band. Two youth squad detectives who tried to stop the gang were also attacked before police reinforcements arrived and arrested 23 youths."

The report goes on to say that 10 of the youths were under 16 years of age, that 2 others, aged 17 and 19, were held in $1,000 bail for felonious assault. They had attacked the detectives, one using a linoleum knife, the other using a baling hook.

While I am at it let me mention another article which appeared in the Times on July 6 describing a street brawl involving 400 persons which occurred on 84th Street between Columbus and Amsterdam Avenues the afternoon of July 5. The disorder apparently was started by an argument between two women over a man, but before it was over friends of the participants had joined in, bottles and beer cans had been hurled from windows, and nine police cars were required to break it up. What kind of an area is this? Let me quote from an article written by McCandlish Phillips:

"Men without jobs sit on the stoops and stare fixedly across the street. There is nothing to do. Inebriates weave their uncertain courses. At night, when the heat rises to the nineties in matchbox size rooms, people seek the grim relief of gambling and drinking on crowded stoops and sidewalks. By dawn several hundred empty beer cans will be thrown into random discard.

"Fights have little novelty here. Ambulances and patrol wagons make frequent visits, the former to scoop up the injured, the latter to bear away the accused."

I mention these two incidents, the teenage gang violence, and the street brawl because they are current, they both happened within the last 2 weeks. Both incidents were in New York City. The events will probably be well publicized in foreign newspapers and by word of mouth in Europe and elsewhere. These accounts won't add anything to our international stature or prestige. That bothers me, but what is far more serious is the question of whether we as a nation have lost the will or the energy to face up to this gnawing and destructive problem of youth delinquency. We are supposed to be rational men, able to manage our affairs, but by sheer indifference we seem to be letting this sickness in our society slip out of control. I hope in this 87th Congress there will be a turning point. I hope this year we can make an energetic start in providing Federal support-techniques, training of personnel, and funds-to help our communities in the massive job they are faced with of bringing delinquency under some kind of control.

I should like to bring the committee's attention to certain differences among current proposals dealing with juvenile delinquency with special reference to my own bill, H.R. 2378. First, as to Senate bill 279, which was passed by the Senate on April 12, it would authorize appropriations for 3 years for demonstration and study projects relating to juvenile delinquency, and appropriations for 3 years for training personnel in the field of delinquency control. The authorization runs through fiscal 1964.

As you know President Kennedy in a letter to the Speaker in May suggested legislation along similar lines, to aid the same two types of activity, demonstration projects and personnel training. Under this proposal the two programs would be authorized through fiscal 1966 instead of fiscal 1964. While S. 279 provides for authorizations not to exceed $22 million per year per program, the President's proposal contains no such ceilings. Also in May, by Executive order, the President established the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime, and also established the Citizens Advisory Council, which will include between 12 and 21 representatives of the public and recognized authorities in fields related to youth delinquency.

My bill, H.R. 2378, calls for a larger Federal effort than either S. 279 or the President's proposal. My bill includes grants for training personnel and grants for demonstration projects but with the emphasis on personnel training. My bill would authorize $5 million a year through fiscal 1965 for personnel training; it would deemphasize the demonstration projects and authorize $1 million a year for them through fiscal 1964.

But the particular feature of my bill which makes it different from S. 279 and the President's proposal is title II, which would provide formula money grants to the States to strengthen and improve State and local programs to control youth delinquency. This would be along the lines of the usual grant-in-aid program. State allotments would be based on each State's child population, and a State's responsibility for providing matching funds would be based on per capita income. My bill would authorize $5 million the first year for this direct aid to

the States, $72 million the next year, $10 million the third year, and then such amounts as the Congress would determine for succeeding years.

These direct grants to the States would aid them in assessing their particular delinquency problems and in developing a plan of priorities for meeting these problems in close coordination with local communities.

I realize that in 1959 the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare and the Bureau of the Budget recommended against formula grants to the States at that time, preferring to recommend only the demonstration project grants and the training grants. I quote from the HEW letter to Senator Hill, dated May 1, 1959:

***While the Federal Government could make a significant contribution through each of the approaches suggested by the bills-project grants for research and development of improved techniques, project grants for training and formula grants to States for strengthening State and local programs--the rate at which the Federal Government should proceed and the amount of funds it should devote to any of these approaches during any particular year must necessarily be determined in the broad context of all national needs" (S. Rept. 809, 86th Cong., pp. 7-8).

Then this letter goes on to suggest that Federal aid for demonstration projects and personnel training should come before direct aid to the States.

Madam Chairman, I hope this committee will give serious consideration to formula grants to the States as well as to the programs for personnel training and demonstration projects. We need research and demonstration projects in this complex field, but we also need more workers in police departments and in neighborhoods and on the street dealing with juvenile delinquency in its real life setting and face to face. In this regard, I stand with Senator Javits, whose bill, S. 1041, also would call for formula grants to the States, to provide Federal support for State efforts to control delinquency on the working level.

Such a program of Federal matching funds would encourage State efforts to plan and coordinate a broad-scale attack on youth delinquency and its causes. Such a program would also elicit State money for this purpose, and would lay the basis for broad and permanent cooperation between the Federal Government and State and local authorities in dealing with this problem which distresses our communities and disturbs us as a nation.

Thank you.

STATEMENT OF HON. JACOB H. GILBERT, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

Madam Chairman and members of the Special Subcommittee on Education, the problem of juvenile delinquency has reached awesome and terrifying proportions. We are told that juvenile delinquency has been increasing over the past decade faster than the growth in our child population. We know that juvenile delinquency is on the rise not only in our country, but throughout the world and in every big industrial country. Because of the many causes of juvenile delinquency, the numerous factors involved, there is no easy solution. The finger of blame cannot be pointed at any one factor of our society alonethe home, school, church, or economic situation. We find juvenile delinquents in each economic stratum-among the very poor, the middle income groups, the rich, and the very rich. The situation is grave not only in our densely populated areas, but in rural areas as well.

You have heard testimony to the effect that 200 youth gangs roam New York City, eager to fight; that to members, the gang is the most important feature of their lives. This situation exists not only in New York, but in every large industrial city in the country. Upon the youth of our Nation depends the future of our Nation; our youth must be prepared to carry the burdens of maintaining our free society and democratic ideals. It is apparent that no effort must be spared to rehabilitate the countless thousands who have as their only ideal the head of their gang; hope and self-respect and respect for the law and the rights of others must somehow be instilled in them so that they can look forward to holding an honorable place in their communities, and be willing to accept the responsibilities of citizenship in our great country. This also applies to all youthful offenders-those who at an early age embark upon a life of crime, and who, if they are not helped along a better road, are forever lost.

In a recent speech by former Harvard President James B. Conant, who made a study of American high schools under a Carnegie grant in 1957-58, he stated: "I submit that the existence in the slums of our large cities of thousands of youth ages 16-21 who are both out-of-school and out-of-work is an explosive situation. It is social dynamite.

"The present unemployment rate nationwide is roughly 5 percent for all age brackets, but unemployment among youth under 20 years of age is 20 percent, or four times greater. These young people are my chief concern, especially when they are pocketed together in large numbers within the confines of the bigcity slums.

"A youth who has dropped out of school and never has had a full-time job is not likely to become a constructive citizen of his community. Quite the contrary. As a frustrated individual, he is likely to be antisocial and rebellious. Some of this group of youth will end as juvenile delinquents."

In discussing his survey of schools, grades 1 to 8 in slum neighborhoods, he quotes a teacher who said: "We do quite well with these children in the lower grades. Each of us is, for the few hours of the school day, an acceptable substitute for the mother. But when they reach about 10, 11 or 12 years of age, we lose them. At that time, the 'street' takes over. In terms of schoolwork, progress ceases; indeed, many pupils begin to go backward in their studies." Mr. Conant continued: "What can be done to offset the demoralizing attitude of 'the street' in the worst of the slums? Not much that lies within the province of the school authorities alone. Here is where the social agency people, the juvenile court people, the churches come into the picture."

I agree with Mr. Conant that the employment of our youth is of vital importance to their welfare; that the school, the community and the employment picture are and should be closely tied together.

Population shifts and mobility of families are serious factors in the lives of young children. When families move frequently and children are constantly being uprooted, there is less effort on their part to behave and to act in such a way as to earn a good reputation in the neighborhood. Some of the other causes cited to account for the rise in juvenile delinquency are: the long period of turmoil and violence resulting from World War II and the Korean war; the tensions caused by the continuing cold war; the feeling shared by our youth in general that they want to "live a little" before being called to military service.

The Honorable Abraham A. Ribicoff, Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, stated recently: "Make no mistake about it. The only people who can avoid delinquency for most of this Nation's children are their parents. There is no easy answer when they fail." Now consider this statement by a principal of a school in a slum area: "Although the school is the only organization that has instruction as its primary responsibility, when a noblehearted teacher faces a barefoot, hungry, sick, distressed child, the result is an endless chain of efforts to relieve such a child. We realize that little or nothing can be done for or with the parents of the children who face such serious problems in their homes."

I wish at this point to say that the factors which cause juvenile delinquency strike at all children, regardless of the color of their skin. Slum conditions, overcrowding, unemployment in the home, inadequate clothing, insufficient food, discouragement resulting from discrimination in employment, all combine to undermine the character of any child or youth-whatever his color or race. At this point, I wish to quote an informative article which appeared in the New York Times of July 17, 1961, in the editorial page:

"THE MYTH-AND THE NEED

"Among the many myths of prejudice is the myth that one nationality, one religion, one race is more prone than another to delinquency and crime. "The latest report of the city's juvenile delinquency evaluation project, headed by Dr. Robert M. MacIver, brings out the tragic statistical point that the 10 health districts highest in delinquency rates here also rank among the 10 highest in Puerto Rican and Negro births-thus, by inference in Puerto Rican and Negro inhabitants.

"But these are also the slums. Central Harlem actually tops the city in mental hospital admissions, psychiatric cases, active tuberculosis, infant mortality, illegitimate births, a health department index of poor health, all relief programs, aid to dependent children and home relief-and runs high in substandard housing.

"It is the slums to which new migrants to the city first tend to flock. And what does the city then do to its newcomers? In Puerto Rico, the MacIver project reports, delinquency affects a little more than 2 per 1,000 youngsters under 18; in New York, delinquency not too differently appraised runs 42.9 per 1,000 youngsters aged 6 through 20-20 times the rate on the pleasant, green, sun-swept Caribbean island with its closer family life. It has been said before in various social work studies that 'the slum corrupts its inhabitants, rather than that the corrupt gravitate toward the slummy environment.'

"The MacIver project urges two courses: (1) to organize groups and individuals to provide in each neighborhood better facilities and cultural enrichment; and, (2) to press 'a citywide neighborhood renewal program.' The city needs newcomers to fill out its work force. It cannot continue to permit their youth to be perverted into lives of violence and vice. Nor can it afford to indulge in the stupid prejudice that one particular race, color or creed is innately more prone to these disasters than another."

The vast majority of our children and young people are well-behaved, law-abiding, interested in education, and in being good citizens. The picture is not completely bleak. For instance, there is much evidence to show that the young people themselves are troubled about juvenile delinquency and its causes, and are anxious for help and guidance. At a meeting held in the Bronx recently, a special panel of high school students discussed their place in society, and their position in relation to their parents. They agreed that parents must make the standards for the guidance and governance of youth, and that the teenagers must cooperate in meeting these standards.

Now it is up to us to undertake, with optimism and courage, a well-planned, farreaching and adequately financed program of assistance in behalf of that segment of our less fortunate youth population which desperately needs our help. These young people deserve our best efforts and it is also to our best interest and our Nation's interest that we spare no endeavors to curb and control juvenile delinquency and to rehabilitate those who have already committed offenses against society.

We know that the first line of defense in meeting the problem of juvenile delinquency is the local community; our troubled youth must be approached in person-in their homes, churches, and schools. Cooperation of a number of people: the delinquent youth, his parents and relatives, the social workers, the doctor, teacher, minister, psychologist, lawyer, and the police, is required. Citizen groups, voluntary organizations, and government must assume and discharge their responsibility.

The Federal Government must make greater contributions and exercise a highly increased degree of leadership through technical assistance services to States and local communities in their efforts to halt the steadily rising trend in juvenile delinquency.

To indicate my serious concern for the young people of our Nation and my willingness and eagerness to help them, I introduced H.R. 669 in January of this year. The administration bill, H.R. 7178, now under consideration, is a big step forward in the right direction, and provides for demonstration projects, the training of personnel, and for special studies relating to the prevention and control of delinquency; it includes youth as well as juveniles. However, considering the seriousness of the situation, it is the minimum amount of help we should give at this time.

The education and training of our youth, the fundamental and successful approach to the longrun prevention and control of juvenile delinquency, are among the most important problems confronting our Nation today. We must tackle these problems with forthrightness, intelligence, and with all the help and resources at our command.

I urge your committee to take favorable action on this proposed legislation; I trust that the Congress will pass a good bill without delay, so that work under the various programs provided for can be begun immediately.

STATEMENT BY HON. SEYMOUR HALPERN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

Madam Chairman, first let me thank you and the members of the subcommittee for this opportunity to present my views on legislation aimed at combating the blight of juvenile delinquency. It's up to your committee's credit that the seriousness of this problem is being significantly recognized and that you are leaving no stones unturned in evaluating the most effective legislative means of combating this critical situation.

Juvenile delinquency has long been a serious problem, one for which the Congress and the executive branch must not shun their responsibilities. These hearings bear out that this committee realizes this fact and that the Government of the United States should assume its needed role to conquer this vital disease that has infected so much of America's youth-our greatest national

resource.

Madam Chairman, in principle and in objective, I am in full accord with H.R. 7178. This bill is comprehensive and realistically confronts the problem. Nevertheless, I would like to offer a recommendation to broaden it by establishing the kind of machinery I believe necessary for directing youth programs on a national level. I refer to my own legislation, H.R. 8260 now pending before your committee.

I have for a long time advocated cooperation among governmental authorities on all levels in connection with youth programs.

As a New York State Senator for many years, I was close to the State and local approaches to this problem. I was the sponsor of the legislation that created the New York State Youth Commission and the enabling legislation to establish the New York City Youth Board. I am fully aware of the responsibilities of all levels of Government in this field. None can be effective without the other. Human behavior is not confined to local or States lines.

The role of the Federal Government is important if the problem is to be met head on; Federal leadership is vital. Holding this view in 1959, I introduced a bill calling for the establishment of a Federal Youth Office to be administered under an Assistant Secretary in the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, a subcabinet position especially created for the purpose.

I firmly feel the problem is vital enough to warrant such high level status. Only through such Government recognition can proper leadership be given in this field.

With timely and pertinent revision, I have resubmitted my bill of 1959. The new version is H.R. 8260, and I strongly urge this subcommittee to give it it's careful consideration.

My bill is not dissimilar to H.R. 7178. As a matter of fact, there are many sections in it that are nearly identical. Among its provisions, however, H.R. 8260 would establish the new unit in HEW to administer the program. Surely the committee agrees the field of youth activities is highly specialized and essential to the strength and health of America. Our Nation of tomorrow can be no better than our youth of today. Then, isn't the subject worthy of such agency recognition?

The Federal Youth Office, as I envision it, would provide the required leadership for intergovernmental cooperation to strengthen State, local, and private efforts in youth problems. It would develop formulas and standards for Federal grants to States, localities, and private agencies on a share-the-cost basis. It would assist the States in the establishment and operation of juvenile delinquency control and prevention programs. Moreover, the office would encourage research in, and demonstration of, new techniques in dealing with teenage behavioral problems and crime and would provide for the training of personnel to staff programs for the control and treatment of juvenile delinquency. The agency would also provide a national clearing house for exchange of information on youth problems and on methods and techniques for dealing with them.

The Youth Office, therefore, through its efforts with State, local, and private agencies would enable a complete, fully coordinated attack on the serious problem of juvenile delinquency. We must have more accurate data on the nature and amount of delinquency in different areas. We are seriously hampered by not being able to secure an accurate national report on delinquency. The Federal Bureau of Investigation provides statistics on juvenile delinquency as a part of its overall crime reporting program, and the Children's Bureau gathers some statistics from certain juvenile courts throughout the country. But neither