alacrity corresponding to the summons, and warranting that well merited reliance, which the experience of the revolution had inspired, on the ready and hardy sons of New-Hampshire.

The emergency on which the mi. litia was called out, contemplating but a short period of service, limited in the first place to fifteen days after their rendezvous, a special request was made by Major General Dearborn, for an additional body of militia, to remain in the service of the United States for the term of two months, if so long required, for the defence of Portsmouth, with the public ships and property in the harbour. Two regiments of infantry and a battalion of artillery were detached, and formed into a brigade, and placed in the service of the United States, for the residue of the season. These details are preserved in the present shape, for the purpose of historical remembrance; the preparation for defence having probably been the means of averting the danger: and the record of these facts being fit to be made for future reference, as a memorial of the character and conduct of the chief magistrate of New-Hampshire, and the spirit of the people of the state, on that in. teresting occasion.

On the return of peace, Governor Gilman was re-elected for the third year of his second term of office, in 1815, when he declined again to stand as candidate, and carried into effect his intention to withdraw from public service, though strongly solicited to continue a candidate. He met the legislature for the last time at their annual session in June: and, exchanging his congratulations with them on the fortunate event of peace, received the farewell ex

pressions of their favourable regard and approbation. In offering to his reflection the grateful testimony of these sentiments, repeatedly afforded by "a community of enlightened freemen, who well know their rights, and in whose hands they may safely intrust them," the senate of New-Hampshire, in their address to him on this occasion, observed, "the history of the Uni. ted States will perhaps afford no example since the establishment of our federal government, where any person has, so long as your excel. lency, enjoyed the confidence and support of the people in the highest office within the gift of their suf frage. The duties of the past year," they remark, "have been more numerous, complex, and ar. duous, than in any former year of your administration. Permit us to express our entire approbation of the manner in which the respective duties have been discharged."

The house of representatives, in recognising the services rendered by him to the state, upon the same occasion, expressed themselves in the following manner: "The ex posed situation of Portsmouth made the requisitions of your excellency on the militia since the last session of the legislature, for the protection and defence of its inhabitants, and national and individual property in its harbour and vicinity, indispensably necessary. The conduct of the troops, while in service, and the organization of so many companies of exempts, show with what union, alacrity, and promptitude, people of every description would resort to arms in case of actual invasion : and give us the most convincing evidence of our ability to defend our families and soil against the attack of an invading enemy. The

attention of your excellency," they add, "to the state of the troops, your care to relieve their various wants, when suddenly called into service, the measures adopted in defence of our maritime frontier; your earnest and varied endeavours to advance the pay to those called out under the authority of the United States, immediately on their discharge, all deserve and receive the approbation and gratitude of your fellow-citizens."

It is natural to infer that Governor Gilman cherished a deep interest in every thing concerning the proper consideration belonging to the public character of this patriotic member of the confederacy. Hav. ing been for thirty years from the commencement of the revolutiona. ry conflict, almost constantly enga. ged in public duties assigned to him, either in its service or as one. of its citizens, his own reputation, as well as the credit of those with whom he had acted or associated throughout his long period of public life, as faithful servants of the community, and witnesses of his own official conduct, became identified with the value of those testimonials, which had been conferred on him and them, by the voice of his native state.

He held it to be a safe maxim for a republican government, that "the greatest things, and the most praise. worthy that can be done for the public good, are not what require great parts, but great honesty." Believing the state to abound with - men of greater abilities, he had no original wish to undertake the office of chief magistrate; and he would cheerfully have declined to continue a candidate had he been left at liberty but the circumstances of our national affairs with foreign

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governments, strong attachment to our federal government, and a firm belief that it had been administered with as much wisdom and integrity in its primitive stages, as there was reason to expect it ever would be, made it incumbent, in his sense of public duty, to contribute that support to the whole system, which might consist in equal accordance with the laws of the state and the union: believing that he was thereby best promoting the prosperity and happiness of his fellow citizens. Something may be conceded to the ancient faith and high feeling of a federalist, as he pronounced himself, of the Washington school, and to the profound conviction from which he never departed, that those principles upon which the federal government was put in operation, were best calculated for maintain. ing the honour and dignity of our country; for preserving the union of the s ates, and the peace, liberty and safety of its citizens; and the obligations which he conceived to be thereby enjoined on him to promote those principles so far as he consistently might in strict conformity to the constitution and laws of our national and state governments. With these sentiments, which underwent no change with that of the federal administration, and with an unabated force of conviction and fidelity on his part, he advised the representatives of the state in congress to give the same support to government which they had ever done; and although, in the change which afterwards took place, and continued for a period, in the political sentiments of the state, when he was called upon by the form of the resolutions adopted by the legislature for an expression of unlimited confidence in the existing

administration of the national go. vernment, and "in the justice, be. nevolence, and wisdom of the president of the United States," he declared himself to be unprepared to unite with the two branches in the whole extent of what, on their part, he was willing the resolutions should impart; still he declared his perfect readiness to co-operate with them in all constitutional measures for correcting the evil tendency of licentious and disorganizing senti. ments, communicated, as they complained, through the medium of the press, and to do all in his power for the preservation of the union, and support of such measures as should be best calculated to promote the general welfare. Without compromising these principles by any act or expressed opinion of his, he retired from office, avoiding any sacrifice of consistency or selfrespect, to cherish the conscious. ness of having discharged his duty. On his re-accession to the chair, after the declaration of war, without professing any gratuitous confidence, in the then administration of the federal government, he avow. ed himself to be a zealous supporter of our national and state systems of government, and regarding the duties of the office to which he was recalled, sufficient, even in common times, to fill with anxiety the mind of one who had no object in view but the public welfare, he recurred to the rule and standard of the administration of Washington, for those principles of public policy, which, being stamped with the same dignity and energy of conduct exhibited at that period, would not fail to insure to our government proper respect abroad, and establish the country in the full enjoyment of peace. The integrity of these prin

ciples, were uncompromitted by him during the final period of his administration; and while he was, by constitutional traits of cha. racter, as well as the rectitude of his moral judgment, incapable of adopting any measures that should tend to bring damage or discredit to the state; and while the pru. dence and independence of his former administration of affairs con. tinued to be pledges of those determined qualities, which the condition of the times and the occasion requir ed, at the head of the state; the peculiar circumstances under which he was called to act during the latter part of his second period of office, enabled him to render to the state a yet more important and efficient service, in the constitutional capacity with which he was invested. Information originally existing, and circumstances afterward transpir. ing, warrant the persuasion, so strongly entertained at the time of peace, that by the spirited and judicious arrangements adopted for defence on that occasion, in harmonious concert between the state and national powers, and by the compact front presented to the enemy, by their united forces, the ter ritory of New-Hampshire saved from violation by a foreign foe, its blood and treasures pre served, and the property of the Uni ted States protected from destruction. Although happily there was no occasion to try the final test to the virtue of those principles, upon which the state was aroused to action; the example stands forward in the history of the Union to hold out no encouragement to the common enemy, to profit by any suspected vice in our constitutions; and to illustrate to the satisfaction of every lover of American law and

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liberty, the entire compatibility of the utmost freedom, and honest dif. ference of political opinions, with unity and energy of action, on any serious occasion of peril and alarm.

THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL.

December 4, 1829. At Combe Wood, near Kingston, aged 58, Robert Banks Jenkinson, second Earl of Liverpool, and Baron Hawkesbury, and late First Lord of the Treasury of Great Britain. This distinguished statesman was born June 7, 1770, the only issue of the first marriage of Charles, first Earl of Liverpool, with Amelia, daughter of William Watts, Esq. governor of Fort William, in Bengal.

His first school was one on Par

sons Green, Fulham. At the age

of thirteen, he was removed to the Charter-house; and thence he became an inmate of Christ-church, Oxford, where he was created M. A. May 19, 1790, and where he tormed an intimacy with the late Mr. Canning, of an unusually permanent character.

In the mean time, his father availed himself of the opportunity to sow the seeds of that attach ment to state affairs, and that ac. quaintance with those models and means of political government, which have since sprung up into a harvest of utility to his country, during a season of the most pressing importance. A catalogue of the best writers on the different branches of public economy was put into his hands, and a selection from their purest and most perfect works was prepared for him, to blend with his other college exer. cises. Commerce and finance were especially attended to; and while

the more abstract departments of knowledge were not neglected, chief attention was paid, by both father and son, to the more practical and popular.

Mr. Jenkinson paid a visit to the metropolis of France, about the period of the breaking out of the revolution. He was at Paris when the Bastile was demolished by the mob, and, it is said, was an eye. witness to many of the worst excesses which the streets of the city exhibited at that time. Nor was he an idle spectator of what was then going forward. Intimately acquainted with Mr. Pitt, and, in all probability, requested by him to watch the progress of the revolution, and communicate every fresh form which it assumed, Mr. Jenkinson's residence at Paris was, at that time, of essential service to the British government.

At the general election of 1790, Mr. Jenkinson was returned member both for Appleby and Rye. He made his election for the latter, for which Cinque Port he was also returned at the three subsequent elections of 1796, 1801, and 1802; that is, until summoned to the House of Peers. His election took place full twelve months before his age allowed him to sit in the House, and he returned to pass the intervening time in ac. quiring fresh continental informa. tion. At the commencement of the session at the close of 1791, having reached his 21st year, he took his seat under the avowed patronage of the minister, and ear. ly in the following year, made his first speech, in opposition to the resolutions of Mr. Whitbread, on the question of the Empress Catha. rine persisting in her claim to Ochzakow and the adjoining district.

His address manifested a profound knowledge, not only of the subject in dispute between Russia and Turkey at that juncture, but also of the general affairs and prospects of Europe, and the duty of England with reference to the continental nations.

When, on the 15th of December following, 1792, Mr. Fox moved an address to the king, praying "that his majesty would be graciously pleased to give directions that a minister might be sent to Paris, to treat with those persons who exercised provisionally the functions of the executive government of France, touching such points as might be in discussion between his majesty and his allies, and the French nation," Mr. Jenkinson, in the temporary absence of Mr. Pitt, (who had vacated his seat in the house of commons, by accepting the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports,) replied to Mr. Fox, in a speech of great animation and power.

Mr. Fox's motion was rejected without a division. The talents and efforts of Mr. Jenkinson, on this occasion, were warmly complimented by Mr. Burke. From that time, he rapidly rose in the conside. ration of all parties; and began to take a prominent part in combating the arguments of the whig opposition. In April, 1793, he was appointed one of the commissioners of the India Board, the duties of which situation he performed until 1806.

When Mr. Grey, on the 6th of May, 1793, brought forward his memorable petition on the subject of parliamentary reform, Mr. Jenkinson stood foremost in the rank of its opposers, asserting that the house of commons, constituted

as it was, had answered the end for which it was designed.

Upon commercial subjects, Mr. Jenkinson might be expected, in the language of Mr. Sheridan, to have some claims to "hereditary knowledge." He always entered upon them with confidence; and, on Mr. Grey's motion in the house of commons, March 10, 1796, for an inquiry into the state of the nation, he took an able view of the effect of the war upon British com merce, from its commencement, and contended that, notwithstand. ing the weight of so great a war, the commercial situation of Great Britain was more prosperous than at any antecedent period.

On the 28th of May, 1796, Mr. Jenkinson participated in the honours of his family, so far as to exchange that appellation, for his father's second title, Lord Hawkes. bury; his father being, at that time, created Earl of Liverpool. In 1799, Lord Hawkesbury was ap. pointed master worker of the mint, which he held until his higher pre ferment in March, 1801.

After the temporary retirement of Mr. Pitt from power, in 1801, the new ministry, at the head of which was Mr. Addington, was announced on the 14th of March. Lord Hawkesbury was appointed to the important office of secretary of state for the foreign department, and actively engaged in the debates which ensued.

The great business of the succeeding summer and autumn, was the adjustment of preliminaries of peace with France; and Lord Hawkesbury, as foreign secretary, was intrusted with the interests of Great Britain in the negotiation.

On Lord Hawkesbury devolved, at this period, much of what is