There was real concern felt by the internees over this matter especially as the unloading of the above-mentioned equipment involved large numbers of Japanese troops and trucks. There was always the fear that the American pilots who bombed Manila frequently might observe this equipment and give the whole area a thorough working over with bombs and machine guns.

My brother and myself did our best to take care of our mother, who was also very weak, but a few days after our troops arrived, during the battle of Manila that followed, our mother was killed when the Japanese shelled Santo Tomas.

After we were liberated, my brother and I did not remain at Manila, but came over to this country almost immediately. Our parents having been killed, there was no reason at all for us to stay on there. It was my home and I still think of it as my home, but all of my ties have been severed, and I wrote off as a loss everything that my father worked for in his 17 years in the islands.

In the camp, while we were watching American airplanes during the numerous air raids that we had, I noticed my brother's eyes were getting steadily weaker. It surprised me considerably because before the war his eyes were better than mine, which were considered about perfect. They have not improved since the war, and in fact they have grown a good deal worse, and this has impaired his studies up at school, and prevented him from joining the Navy, something which like myself he had his heart very much set on.

Of

I joined the Navy when I entered college, and I am now a midshipman at the institute. I have heard that this bill which is up for consideration can replace in some degree our losses in the war. course, it can never replace the loss of my mother and father; but back in this country very many internees and myself included, had to rely on the support of either friends or relatives or homes or other aid.

This, of course, has been very far from an ideal situation and, of course, when we first came back there was a great deal of enthusiasm to take care of people who suffered from the war, but since then that has waned considerably, and there has been, I notice, a lack of interest on the part of people in us and in our problems.

If we could be made a little more independent, it would help.us a great deal. I know for myself and I know for the others that they do not want to be a burden on the people around us. The bill before you would aid us in becoming less of a burden and would help us to create new lives and homes.

As I understand it, this would not cost the United States Government anything, but payment would be made in the seized Japanese funds. Contrary to what others have expressed, I do not wish to have any claim against the United States Government. I personally feel that our Government's responsibility toward us ended after liberation. That was as much as I asked of the Government, to be liberated from camp.

We do not want sympathy. I do not want any sympathy from you or anybody else. We do not want that. We just want an accounting for what we have lost on the part of the Japanese. They were not troubled much when they took what we had, and I think that they can stand the strain of paying some of it back. If we can get this,

we will be satisfied and I think that you can rest assured that this money, if and when it is appropriated, will go where it is needed most urgently, and where I firmly believe it is rightfully deserved. We lost our property through an unwarranted act of aggression on the part of the Japanese Government, and is it too much to ask that they account for it?

That is all that I have to say.

The CHAIRMAN. Are there any questions, gentlemen?

We appreciate your attendance today, Mr. Brooks. It is only the reciting of the experiences such as yours that bring home in a realistic way to the committee the great tragedies that were committed in the Philippines and elsewhere as a result of the war.

As you have stated, it is not sympathy that you are seeking, although undoubtedly there is always a sympathetic feeling. There is, however, a situation in which it seems to me there is a very great obligation on the part of the Government of which you are a part, to provide for you in the exigency which has arisen as a result of the loss of your father, because otherwise you would have depended upon your father to give you that progress in life which you had a right to expect. I can assure you that the committee will give serious consideration to this

matter.

Mr. BROOKS. Thank you.

The CHAIRMAN. I will ask Mr. Frank E. Wilson to come forward.

STATEMENT OF FRANK E. WILSON, CHAIRMAN, AMERICAN INTERNEE COMMITTEE, PASADENA, CALIF.

Mr. WILSON. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, my name is Frank E. Wilson. I am Chairman of the American Internee Committee, and a resident of 1635 Casitas Avenue, Pasadena, Calif.

I do not wish, Mr. Chairman, to tell you my experiences. I am more concerned with the welfare of the people in the United States today. For over 1 year now I have tried, with the help of several other internees, to help these people in their distress today. We pledged ourselves to help everybody, our friends and our fellow internees and prisoners of war.

This is our story-the story of the American civilian prisoner of war in the Philippines. The story of approximately 8,000 American citizens, men, women, and children who were rounded up at the point of bayonets and held prisoners for over 3 years in the infamous Japanese prison camps throughout the Philippines.

There is not time to relate the many stories of all who were interned, but each personal story follows the same pattern: All suffered unspeakable indignities, maltreatment, deprivation, and hunger. The bitter results of malnutrition are evident among the survivors in various malignant forms today. Many have died; many will never recover. All have lost their homes and personal properties, even the savings of hard labor were confiscated by the Bank of Taiwan and never returned to their rightful owners.

These unfortunate Americans on being repatriated to the United States, were described in a syndicated news story as, and I quote, "A cargo of broken bottles and minds." Various welfare agencies aided this sad cargo on arrival only, and then they were left to shift for

themselves. Over 70 percent of these people are now ill and destitute, here in these United States, their homeland. This is the deplorable condition we are trying to remedy here today. We do sincerely believe that once our story is known to you, reparations will be made. From the July 16, 1945, files of the United States Senate, Committee on Military Affairs, I quote, in part, a letter written by Elbert D. Thomas, chairman:

It has been the policy of the United States throughout this war to discourage the private, unconfirmed, and irresponsible circulation of atrocity stories, lest the public reaction become one which would discredit all war news unfavorable to the enemy. Since the Japanese atrocities in Manila were committed on territory under our flag, and against persons who are our nationals, it is felt that our official condemnation of Japanese atrocities can be effected only through the most formal kind of censure.

For security reasons the true conditions of American p. o. w.'s was not and could not be made known until the formal surrender of the enemy was realized.

Congressman Bradley of Michigan, indicated a prejudicial attitude on the part of Congress toward civilian internees who had not taken leave of the Philippines, prior to hostilities. A part of his letter follows:

My understanding has been, however, that civilians were warned long in advance to evacuate the islands and return to the States before Japanese invasion might take place.

The general opinion, therefore, seems to be that all Americans were told to leave the islands. The fact is, we were not told to leave at all! No official order for our evacuation was ever given.

Commissioner Francis B. Sayre's report of the Philippines of 1942, states that it was impossible to evacuate Americans from the Philippines.

Press release No. 585 of August 4, 1945, from the State Department, Acting Secretary of State, then, Joseph C. Grew stated:

It should be noted here, however, that American residents in the Philippines, a territory under United States sovereignty, were not publicly warned to leave before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.

I will not take up your time in reading the full text of the document, but the important fact remains, that we were not told or warned to evacuate the Philippine Islands, and I further quote the Honorable Mr. Grew:

It is obvious that for political reasons Americans in the Philippines could not be warned officially to return to the United States as were the citizens in Europe and Asia.

True, an evacuation program in the States was being planned, but the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor by the Japanese Imperial Forces was the eliminating factor for such an evacuation, for such a far-flung outpost as the Philippine Islands.

When the Japs attacked Pearl Harbor, every American did his or her share of work to render aid to the United States armed forces of the Far East. The late President Roosevelt, gave high commendation to the work of the American civilians in the Philippines during the Japanese invasion. Both during the invasion and the liberation of the Philippines, American civilians fought side by side with our armed forces in one capacity or another. I know of what I speak, because I

was one of them. Hundreds were seriously wounded and many were killed.

For their fortitude and courage, General Douglas MacArthur awarded these civilians the Asiatic-Pacific Ribbon, for materially contributing to the success of the Philippine campaign. For most of these people this has been their only compensation for three long years of suffering and losses.

In case any of the committee gentlemen have not seen the awards, I have a sample with me. It is the Philippine award and the AsiaticPacific Ribbon.

The injustice and discrimination against these American civilians, who were imprisoned by the Imperial Japanese Army, is made even more apparent by the attempt of the passage of several bills submitted to Congress to pay the Japanese for their losses while interned in this country. In checking the records of internment camps in the United States of America for enemy nationals, we have yet to find one death either from maltreatment, malnutrition, or deliberated slow starvation. Our medical records in only one prison camp, Santo Tomas, show over 30 deaths in 1 month, all a direct result of starvation. Our records bring to light the case of an elderly ex-internee who even after repatriation starved to death, because she was too proud to ask for charity.

We are not asking for charity either. We, the American Internee Committee, are asking however, for reparations from the Japanese Government in our bill, H. R. 1823, introduced by Congressman Carl Hinshaw, of California, at the Eightieth Congress, first session. I will strike out "from the Japanese government," because I feel in my heart that you gentlemen know more about what we should have and how we should have it.

The American Internee Committee, was organized as a non-profit organization, made up of a few ex-prisoners of war. We have pledged ourselves to devote our entire time in helping those who cannot help themselves.

We have letters from widows, elderly people, and teen-agers, all striving for the same goal, rehabilitation. Every week that passes adds another name to our already long list of dead; direct results from slow starvation. Whatever heinous crime may have been committed in the name of war, slow starvation is the unforgiveable one. The reactions are many, the results horrifying and few will completely

recover.

The scars are deep and not easily erased, even by time. The children were left suffering from beriberi, rickets, various forms of malnutrition and malformation. Many are now under treatment for tuberculosis.

Gentlemen, I have letters, and I have visited myself hospitals and several sanitariums. People have come to me, and I have gotten them treatment. These people were very successful businessmen prior to 1941. For these destitute Americans, medical attention is an expensive luxury for which they cannot afford to pay. We of the committee, have tried in our small way to assist these cases, but we also lost our homes, our properties and all that we held dear.

The burden is increasing and is becoming too heavy for us to carry alone. We have succeeded in getting a small amount of assistance

from the Federal Security Agency, through the various welfare bureaus throughout the Nation. However, by the same token these people suffer the humiliating indignities that are forced upon charity patients.

I might add here, gentlemen, that I went and asked the Federal Security Agency if any persons repatriated from war areas would be considered indigents. The Department of Justice said, "No." I have taken many of my people down to these welfare agencies, and I have tried to get them some hospitalization, and they say they treat them the same as any other charity patients. So I have had my fight in many places throughout the Nation.

Any enlisted man with only 90 days' service in the United States armed forces receives more consideration for his welfare and rehabilitation than these unfortunate ex-prisoners of war, who in their present condition are helpless, through no fault of their own.

Why, then, must we ask these former good citizens to subject themselves to the humility of charity?

They were peaceful merchants and traders, American businessmen selling American goods, civilian ambassadors of good will. In other words, they were just plain Americans, in no way different from any of us in this room today; except when war came, it robbed them of their health, their life work, and all their worldly goods.

Knowing these things, we ask you, as representatives of the American way of life, to further the efforts of these unfortunate fellow Americans in their welfare and rehabilitation program.

In closing, I have taken two lines from The Fall of Bataan. We ask you to remember these two lines:

And we were sacrificed-perhaps to gain
That little time that warded off defeat.

I get 60 to 70 or sometimes 100 letters a day from these unfortunate people. Here is a letter I would like to put in the record. I have this man's complete medical record. This is his letter, from Davenport, Iowa, March 12:

DEAR MR. WILSON: I am writing you again for some possible advice. As you know, I am permanently blind as a result of starvation. I am now entering my eighth week in a chiropractic clinic trying to regain my sight. This has been a big expense to me, since I pay partly the expense of another person to take care of me. I am all alone in this world and need immediate financial help.

I have applied to the welfare, but I was rudely turned down. My monthly allotment of $100 a month ended last month. My expenses now amount to $100 to $200 a month. The Davenport welfare does not seem to know about the Government aid to ex-prisoners.

My mailing address is Decorah, Iowa. Will you please write soon. Thanking you for past favors.

*

I got this man hospitalization in California, and I went to the Welfare Bureau in San Francisco, and I got him treatment at the Mayo Clinic, but the poor man is permanently blind. However, he still has faith that some day he might regain his eyesight. Now, we find this same man at a chiropractic clinic, still hoping some day he will see again. It is a pathetic case.

I have many leters, gentlemen-plenty of them. I might ask you to look at the writing of this letter. You can see a poor old man trying to hang onto life, and he is a charity patient in a hospital. I have patients in hospitals all over this Nation. I have fought with