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From this period dates the systematic dissemination of literature on the drink question by the Association; and its effect may be properly gauged by the fact that up to the era of the AntiSaloon League of our time, proposed State Prohibition was defeated at the ballot box in ten States and abolished in all the New England States, excepting Maine. In all these instances, the arguments used by the opponents of Prohibition were derived directly from our publications.

We may as well sum up right here this part of the Association's activity from 1878 to about 1904, in which latter year the local option movement (in its modern form) had monopolized the field, as a result of the utter failure of Prohibition. It was well understood that thousands of journalists and public and professional men were eager to espouse the liberal cause; but they needed working material to refute the falsehoods and exaggerations of Prohibitionists. Methodical investigations embracing every aspect of the subject became absolutely necessary, and to accomplish this the Association established a bureau, which covered the field so completely that its publications embraced every point that had ever been raised in any discussion on the merits or demerits, not only of prohibition, but of every known system of regulating the traffic. The absolute truthfulness and scientific accuracy of all these publications were universally recognized and served (and still serve) not only as a basis for the work of journalists and essayists, but also as a useful help to those who instituted original enquiries. Of this the Association has received hundreds of flattering proofs, in many instances from professional men opposed to the trade.

In addition to these books and pamphlets covering every point of the question, the Association published an annual report containing a complete and perfect summary of the temperance movement throughout the world, a review of noteworthy publications and events, and of everything else that could be of interest and practical value to the brewer in respect to public matters and his own trade. Statistical tables giving in detail all data relating to the industry were often supplemented by graphic charts illustrating the progress of brewing and of the trades related to it. These reports will henceforth be superseded by the present Year Book, which every brewer ought to have on his desk.


It must not be forgotten, however, that in every prohibitory campaign which resulted in a victory for the liberal side the organization known as the "Liberty League" actually carried on the fight as a matter of principle. Ever since Hermann Raster, the foremost German-American editor, succeeded in inducing the Republican National Convention of 1872 (of which he was a member) to adopt his plank against sumptuary legislation, it was well understood that the entire German-American press and the voters it represented would, regardless of party affiliations, vote against Prohibition and its advocates. The numerical strength of the League in its entirety may be judged by the fact that when Warner Miller was defeated in his gubernatorial campaign, the New York State Liberty League had enrolled 350,000 members, all of them electors.

During the period before mentioned the internal work of the Association progressed repidly and favorably.

No less than forty-seven State and city associations were organized, and the membership of the parent body rose to over eight hundred, in spite of the fact that the number of persons engaged in brewing decreased very considerably from year to year


Technical matters were taken up by the Association as early as 1868; but it was not until 1884 that a technical committee was created for the purpose of giving the trade the benefit of coöperation in pertinent matters. The Committee dealt with most important questions, such as the purity of our product; its vindication in the face of unfounded charges of adulteration; the use of brewers' grains from a commercial and physiological point of view; the improvement of hops and barley; the utility of untested inventions of a mechanical and scientific nature; the analyses of brewing materials and uniformity of methods; all matters involving patent litigations brought to its notice by interested members, and many similar matters.

One of the principal achievements of this Committee was the wholesome fear with which its work inspired the great number of patent swindlers who formerly preyed upon the industry, but who, since it began its work, have utterly disappeared.

Concerning Federal legislation against adulterations, this technical Committee assumed an attitude which secured to the Association the respect and confidence of the Agricultural Department and of Congress. Taking an active part in the First Pure Food Congress, the Committee submitted that clause, subsequently adopted by Congress, which gave to the manufacturer the right to cooperate with the government in the establishment of standards. That being granted, the Association consistently advocated the enactment of a Federal law, and had the gratification of being complimented for this attitude by several industrial bodies who had originally opposed Federal legislation. The effect of this work, with its frequent conferences with the chief chemist of the department, may not as yet be appreciated, but the trade will surely reap the benefits in the near future.


In regard to the labor question, the Association undoubtedly achieved much better results than many other American industries by a policy which combined firmness and determination in upholding the employers' rights with a just appreciation of the workmen's condition and absolute fairness and genuine sympathy in dealing with all reasonable demands designed to bring about an amelioration of the wage-workers' lot.

Before the organization of labor unions the employing brewers in the smaller cities maintained a sort of patriarchal relation toward their workmen, eating with them at the same table and otherwise treating them as members of their household. In the larger cities the relation between employer and employed was not quite so close and intimate; but the friendly feeling between them was no less sincere. In New York City the employers had created an aid association which secured their workmen against want during sickness and provided for the journeymen's widows and orphans. Each employer paid an amount equal to the aggregate contributions of his employees.

The United States Brewers' Association had just taken measures to secure the adoption of this scheme throughout the country, when the labor movement began to assume its worst form. The friendly relations were suddenly torn asunder by the violently aggressive methods of labor leaders of avowed anarchical tendencies-among them men who subsequently betrayed the confidence

of their constituents. These men wantonly provoked the great struggle of 1886. They openly declared it to be their object to test their power at any cost, and the employers had no choice but to accept the challenge.

The lock-out that followed could not have been sustained and carried to a successful issue without the vigorous aid of the United States Brewers' Association; nor would this aid have been extended had not the employers voluntarily agreed to re-employ their men. without contract, but upon union terms as to everything except those tyrannical demands which would have deprived the employer of the legitimate control of his business. It was practically a national affair, which could not have been settled without the help of a central body.

Since that memorable struggle better men in every way have come to the front in the ranks of labor, and the employers have gladly met them in a spirit of conciliation and amity. It is true that strikes and boycotts have not ceased altogether, but they have become comparatively rare and the firm position of the national Association has rendered them comparatively harmless. Besides, the principle of arbitration—the great aim and end of the Association's labor committee is being recognized more and more and rarely fails of its purpose when applied in the proper spirit and at the opportune moment.

It is impossible to compute in dollars and cents the pecuniary advantages derived by both capital and labor from the wise and humane policy which has hitherto guided the action of the Association. The gain in peace, comfort, and the joy of harmonious coöperation must be felt by every workman and every employer.


Between 1894 and 1902 the Association was called upon to perform a gigantic task, involving a possible loss to the trade of sums of money ranging between forty and fifty million dollars per year. We refer to the beer tax of two dollars per barrel. In 1893 the Secretary of the Treasury, in his report to Congress, had recommended doubling the beer tax as the only remedy for the then existing shortage of revenue, and this recommendation was based upon a paper written by the man whom many considered the foremost authority on revenue questions, Hon. D. A. Wells. This document undoubtedly made a deep impression upon the minds of

the lawmakers, especially upon those who ignored the fact that all of Mr. Wells' revenue theories proceeded from the free trade principle which he upheld with almost fanatical stubbornness. This was really a "ruling passion" with him, to which he readily sacrificed fairness and consistency, and which ultimately led him to contradict every word he had officially written while acting as Special Revenue Commissioner. Without a vigorous remonstrance, the proposition would doubtless have been adopted by Congress. It became the duty of the Association to expose the fallacy of the Wells report. This was done (1894) in so effective a manner that leading men of the Ways and Means Committee on the dominant side of the House unhesitatingly pronounced the proposition a dead issue. Nevertheless, it came up again and again and had to be met in a similar manner. Unfortunately, the outbreak of the Spanish-American War found the Federal Treasury in a condition which required measures ensuring the immediate availability of additional revenues on a large scale. The doubling of the beer tax appeared to be the most favored among such measures. The Association declared the brewers' determination not to shirk their duty as patriotic citizens, but pointed out the injustice of doubling the old war tax without first imposing taxes upon all other industries, particularly those immensely wealthy ones which are protected by the tariff. Their argument produced no effect and the double tax was imposed.

The Association succeeded, however, in securing the rebate of 71% which had been unjustly abolished the year before.

From the end of the war to 1901 the Association never ceased to petition Congress for the revocation of the additional tax; they submitted dozens of remonstrances until the tax was first reduced and finally abolished. It was admitted even by the trade's opponents that more convincing arguments had never been submitted to Congress by any industry on any subject. Without the influence which these remonstrances against a crying injustice had upon the public mind, the double tax would doubtless have taken out of the brewers' pockets additional hundreds of millions.

The task of the Association in regard to this matter was rendered all the more difficult on account of the comparatively large number of advocates which the prohibitory sentiment has of late years gained among members of Congress. In this respect the work of the Association has also become more arduous from year

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