supported with tribal funds. The several biographies of Sequoya reveal the crucial role which that remarkable man played in the process. By 1852 the Cherokees had a flourishing school system of 21 schools, 2 academies, and an enrollment of 1,100. The Choctaws were only a little behind the Cherokees, and these were soon followed by Creeks, Chickasaws, and Seminoles. It is interesting to speculate how different the situation might be today had the Indians retained control of their school system, rather than having it fall into the hands of a paternalistic government.

Among those who have written histories of Cherokee education are Thornton (619), Ervin (173), and Henshaw (266). Relevant, also, is the study of the tribal newspaper, the Phoenix, and its role in promoting education (40), a subject also dealt with by Holland (279). By far the best history of Cherokee education is a doctoral dissertation by Knepler, two portions of which have been published (342 and 343). As for the other members of the Five Civilized Tribes, we have Kiker's thesis (335) on the Seminoles; those of Dugan (160), Flowers (192), and Drain (156) on the Creeks; and Davis (143) on the Chickasaws. Drain (157) has written a history of education among the Choctaws and Chickasaws, and Swinney (604) has one on the Choctaws, both dealing with the Oklahoma bands. The Mississippi band of Choctaws has been studied by Langford (356), who spent some time as a teacher among them. Layman (361) has an excellent chapter on the schools of the Five Civilized Tribes in the period prior to 1870. Other Oklahoma tribes have received some little attention-Moore (437) on the Kiowa and Comanche, Gorton (219) on the Osage, and Sanders (552) on the Cheyenne and Arapaho.

Two groups of Chippewas are described in the literature. Mittleholtz (435) made a study of those on the Grand Portage Reservation in the easternmost tip of Minnesota, and included a history of the region and of the educational activities from the earliest times down to 1953. Murray (445) has done the same for the Chippewas on the Turtle Mountain Reservation in North Dakota, tracing the history of education from the arrival of the first missionaries in the 1830's, and including mission, Federal, and public schools. Spring (596) performed a somewhat similar job with the Menominees in Wisconsin.

North Carolina is the home of a numerous people, some 30,000, of uncertain background and identity. Formerly they were known as Croatans, but today they prefer to call themselves Lumbee Indians. They have never lived on a reservation, nor have they enjoyed the services of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Their educational history, accordingly, is unique, and differs markedly from that of other tribes. Oxendine (471), a member of the community, has described his group's struggle for education and civil rights, and a thesis by Morgan (438) also touches upon the school history.

Among other tribal histories is that of Hagan (232), who has traced the educational history of the Pima and Papago from the middle of the 17th to the middle of the 20th century. More modest efforts are those of Manry (394), who deals with the remnant of the Alabama living in Texas, McClellan's report (407) on the Utes, and Byrd's (95) on the Sac and Fox of Iowa, which focuses on the problem of assimilation but which treats the changes in the school system and policies.

Finally, the Navahos. When these nomadic people were finally quelled, a treaty was negotiated, in 1868, which stipulated:

The United States agrees that for every 30 children * ** who can be induced or compelled to attend school, a house shall be provided, and a teacher competent to teach the elementary branches of an English education shall be furnished ***"

However, there followed many years of failures and neglect, with the result that during World War II the Selective Service System classified 88 percent of Navaho males aged 18 to 35 as illiterate. This fact dramatized the seriousness of the situation for both the authorities and the Indians themselves, and since then significant corrective measures have been taken.

An excellent study of the history of Navaho education (691) traces the story from the earliest efforts of the missionaries down to 1940. Dale (141) has studied the history of the Government's role from 1868 to 1948, Myers (446) has made an historical analysis, and Adair (5) has produced an overly optimistic report on the day-school program of the 1930's. A chapter in a book by Kelly (329: 171-181) is brief but good, and Johnston (318: 47-60) gives an excellent summary sketch, based upon Woerner but carrying the record up to date.

Several students have chosen to study the educational history on certain reservations. Three studies of Montana reservations are available. Johnson (316) has covered the period from 1885 to 1935 at Fort Peck, Hopkins (283) has done a similar job for the Tongue River Reservation, and Berven (58) has produced a good study of the Flathead Reservation, tracing the educational history from the Jesuit beginnings in the 1840's, through the period of Government schools, and down to the present public school era. A thesis by Vrettos (647), while primarily descriptive and polemical, does contain much historical data on the Shoshone in Wyoming; and LeBow (362) deals with the transition from Federal to State control of schools on the Rosebud Reservation. The Fort Berthold Reservation in North Dakota has been studied by Beitzel (43), who covers the period from 1874, when the first schools were built, to 1940; and Fischer (185), reporting on the effects of the construction of Garrison Dam, discusses, among other things, the educational history of the same reservation.

5. Regional histories

Several students of the educational history of the Indians have seen fit to adopt a regional, or geographical approach, tracing the development in some State, county, or territory. One of the best examples in this category is Wall's history (652) of Indian education in Nevada. Payne's account (480) of Oregon and Washington is also rather good. The Oregon story is further developed by Walker (650), who devotes his attention to the period preceding statehood; and the historical record of Washington is expanded by Crook (135), who concentrates upon the period 1930-41, when the State began assuming responsibility for the education of its Indians. The Washington record is also further explored by Pester (485), who has done a thorough job of gathering important data from a wide variety of original sources. It appears that Washington and Nevada are the two States for which we have rather satisfactory histories of Indian education.

Alaska, too, has profited from a good deal of scholarly attention. There are three good histories of education in Alaska (261, 359, 495)

and in each of them considerable attention is given to schools for the native population. In addition there are several less ambitious studies of an historical nature (98, 284, 432, 461, 547, 653).

For the other 47 States the literature on the history of Indian education is very spotty. For Texas we have three studies-one concerned with the early period only (50), one with Nueces County and the Karankawa Indians (624), and one ending with the Civil War (430). Wilcox (683) has written about early Indian schools along the Missouri River, Morley (439) touches upon Wisconsin, Leland (367) and Allegrezza (11) treat briefly on Minnesota, and Porter (498) gives some attention to California. No small amount of research has been done on the history of Indian education in Oklahoma. Reference has been made previously to the numerous studies of the tribes which have been relocated there, especially the Five Civilized Tribes. In addition we have the more limited studies of Wild (684), Snider (586), Roach (526), Oxley (47), and Balyeat (30).

It is apparent from this survey of the literature that a great deal of research has been done on the history of Indian education in the United States, some of it representing scholarship of high quality. It is obvious, too, that the gaps in this knowledge are numerous and wide, and it is to be hoped that competent graduate students will be encouraged to search them out and fill them in. Great also is the need for someone qualified by sound scholarship and historical competence to organize and interpret the mass of data now available.

III. THE PROBLEM

One theme runs throughout the literature on Indian education; namely, the realization that formal education has fallen far short of its goal. Certainly the Jesuits, whose contributions to exploration and politics are well known, failed to reach their objective of "Franchification and Christianization." The Franciscans, while apparently successful for a time, discovered as soon as they departed from the Southwest that their Indian converts were unprepared either to keep their mission communities going or to resume their traditional way of life. John Eliot's autonomous Indian villages came to a sad end, Eleazar Wheelock's experiments failed, the efforts of the Virginia colonists were disappointing, and the various Protestant missionaries could seldom point to any solid educational achievements. Summarizing the period 1778-1871, when missionary teachers and Federal subsidies provided the Indians with their schooling, Layman says:

The net results of almost a hundred years of effort and the expenditure of hundreds of thousands of dollars for Indian education were a small number of poorly attended mission schools, a suspicious and disillusioned Indian population, and a few hundred products of missionary education, who, for the most part, had either returned to the blanket or were living as misfits among the Indian or white population. (351: 312f.)

These dismal appraisals have continued to the present. In the 1920's the Meriam report (427) found the shortcomings in Indian education. numerous and serious, and a more recent survey (81:138) concludes: "The majority of Indian pupils today are either above the general age level for their respective classes or are below academic norms, and they drop out of school more frequently than do their non-Indian classmates.

Occasionally one finds in the literature a more favorable judgment. Peterson (489) maintained that progress was made. Dale (140: 26) addressed himself to the question, "Has the Pine Ridge educational program achieved the purposes for which it was planned?" and gave a definitely affirmative answer. Hopkins (283) writes approvingly of the Federal and mission schools on the Tongue River Reservation in Montana. But in most of these, and other similar instances, one suspects either methodological inadequacies or superficial observation. Almost invariably, in reading the literature on Indian education, one is impressed by a well-nigh universal dissatisfaction with the results.

Before inquiring into the causes of these failures, it is necessary to define the problem. And, before defining the problem, it is necessary to consider one basic assumption upon which virtually all educational efforts among Indians has rested.

Those who have been involved in the formal education of Indians have assumed that the main purpose of the school is assimilation. The Indian would be better off, it was believed, if he could be induced, or forced, to adpot the white man's habits, skills, knowledge, language, values, religion, attitudes, and customs-or at least some of them. As

similation, to be sure, is a reciprocal process, and in the course of it the white man has learned much from the Indian, so that today American. culture is immeasurably enriched by items adopted from the Indian. But it was always the white man's way of life which must set the pattern. Formal education has been regarded as the most effective means for bringing about assimilation.

While those engaged in education have always been committed to assimilation, this was not originally the policy of our political and military leaders. Extermination appealed to them as a wiser course. The early Puritans made a practice of giving rewards for Indian heads. The Dutch in New Amsterdam refined that practice and began paying bounties for Indian scalps in 1641, and the other colonies. followed suit. In 1717 a prominent figure in the colony of South Carolina said: "We must assist them in cutting one another's throats. * * * This is the game we inted to play if possible *** for if we cannot destroy one nation of Indians by another, our country will be lost." Somewhat later the more humane policy of driving the Indians across the Missouri River was adopted.

Fritz (203) maintains that it was in the middle of the 19th century, when settlers began to penetrate those regions into which the Indians. had been driven, that it became apparent to those in Government that a new policy would be necessary, and that assimilation seemed the only feasible one. As conflict with the western tribes increased, pressure from both the military and the humanitarians forced the Congress in 1867 to pass a bill creating a commission to make peace with the Indians. The members of the Commission agreed that assimilation was inevitable; but, immediately within the Commission, two schools of thought regarding assimilation began to form. One point of view was represented by General William T. Sherman, who insisted that assimilation would have to come at the point of the bayonet. Indians would not work unless forced to do so, he maintained, and it was the military who were prepared to apply the force. Nathaniel G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, represented the humanitarian point of view, and insisted that Christian teachers should be sent among them to prepare them for life in Anglo-Saxon society.

These two approaches-coercion and persuasion-have always represented the two extremes of assimilation policy. The literature, especially the autobiographical records (e.g., 506, 572), abounds in descriptions of the pressures emploved to get children into the schools, to discourage the use of their native languages, to impose upon them white values and habits, and to turn them against their Indian ways. Colson (115: 10-21) describes the educational goals and the coercive measures employed for 70 years among the Makah in the effort to "civilize the Indians and to obliterate all cultural differences between Indians and whites." The evidence suggests that such coercive means, revolting as they may seem to us today, were not entirely ineffective. Byrd (95), however, in his study of the Sac and Fox, contrasted the earlier coercive educational policy with the later cooperative policy, showing the greater effectiveness of the latter. Such reports as we have on the Rough Rock experiment (118, 205, 533) also indicate that cooperation, local autonomy and responsibility, rather than coercion and paternalism, are preferable. The American experience with the absorp