the Opposition leader, and the Kossuth Independence party on the ground that a manhood suffrage Bill should be produced at the same time. The President and Vice-Presidents of the Chamber resigned in order not to be parties to the measures proposed by the Government to overcome the obstruction, and the matter remained unsettled at the end of the year.

A general election for the Croatian Diet took place in December. The result was a defeat for the Government, which only obtained 21 seats, while the Serbo-Croatian coalition secured 24, and the allied Croatian Rights party 27.

Admiral Count Montecuccoli, the Minister for the Navy, anticipated in January his statement to the Austro-Hungarian Delegations on the naval requirements of the Empire by an article in the Hungarian review Magyar Figyeloe, stating that Hungary needs a strong Navy to protect her against the economic consequences of a successful blockade of the Adriatic by a hostile fleet, that the reason why Austria-Hungary needs a strong Navy is that although the two capitals of the monarchy are far inland, the capture of a capital is not always decisive, that Austria-Hungary might be involved in war with a strong naval Power, in which case the Navy would render great service by enabling the Army to dispense with the concentration of troops on the coast, and that it must be prepared not only for defensive but for offensive warfare. The Estimates for the new Austro-Hungarian war vessels, which were laid before the delegations on January 24, fixed the total expenditure proposed for this purpose at 13,016,0667., to be spread in instalments over six years; the amount demanded for 1911 being 2,291,6661. Four Dreadnoughts were to be built, each of about 20,000 tons displacement, at an estimated cost of 10,100,000l.; four cruisers of about 3,500 tons displacement, at a cost of 1,250,000l.; eighteen torpedo-boats, and twelve submarines. The Estimates also provided for a further expenditure of 2,844,000l. for an increase of 800 men in the personnel of the Navy and for an additional outlay on the ships of the Radetzky class to introduce in them the most recent technical developments as regards armour and artillery. The Army Estimates, which were laid before the delegations at the same time as those for the Navy, amounted to 16,513,7501., showing an increase of 2,137,1007. over those of the previous year, mainly for artillery and fortifications.

Admiral Count Montecuccoli, in explaining the Naval Estimates to the delegations, stated that in 1916 the crews of the Austro-Hungarian Navy would number 17,000, and would in subsequent years be increased to 20,000. It was unlikely, he thought, that the Dreadnoughts would rapidly become obsolete, as vessels with a broadside of twelve heavy guns do not readily get out of date, and he agreed with Sir William White that any very considerable development of calibre beyond that at present adopted would be unnecessary. He took as the basis of his calculations an Austro

Hungarian battle fleet of sixteen capital ships. As to the cost of the new vessels he admitted that Austria-Hungary builds at a rate of 10 per cent. dearer than England, Germany, and America, and suggested that it might be desirable to place orders abroad in order to reduce the charges of the Austro-Hungarian shipbuilders.

A strong protest against the shipping dues proposed to be levied by the German Government on the Elbe was made at a conference comprising the chief representative of the Bohemian coal industry, the Under-Secretaries of State for Commerce and Agriculture, the representatives of the Union of Austrian Industrialists, the Social Democratic Union on behalf of the workmen of Bohemia, and various Chambers of Commerce, and navigation companies which met at Aussig, the great Austrian port on the Elbe, on January 15, and a resolution was passed unanimously calling upon the Government, in view of the right of Austria to the free navigation of the Elbe, "to decline all negotiation as to the imposition of shipping dues thereon, no matter what compensation might be offered for the modification of the Elbe treaties." The Vice-President of the Elbe Association declared, in a vigorous speech, that if the German demands were complied with, or even a compromise accepted, " Austria would place herself at the mercy of a foreign Power which could choke Austrian trade to death," and Austria "must warn Germany to keep her hands off the Elbe."

In foreign affairs generally the policy of Austria-Hungary during the year was mainly directed to the maintenance as far as possible of the status quo. As regards the Albanian rising, in view of the religious protectorate which she had long exercised over the Catholics in Albania, she made representations to the Porte with the object of a less rigorous treatment of the Albanians by the Turkish troops, but at the same time she urged the Albanians to submit to their lawful rulers. In the Turco-Italian conflict, too, she strove at Constantinople and Rome to bring about an amicable arrangement and to induce Turkey "to meet as far as possible the economic wishes of Italy." Baron Gautsch stated in the Austrian Chamber on October 24 that "it was regrettable that the former Turkish Government did not recognise the gravity of the situation," and that to its neglect to listen to the friendly counsels of Austria-Hungary "was to be attributed the decision of the Italian Government to act peremptorily in the Tripolitan question." He added, referring to the excitement which had been produced in Austria by the Italian attack upon Turkish torpedo boats near Prevesa, on the Albanian coast, that assurances had been obtained from Italy that she would avoid everything likely to cause an undesirable reaction upon the Balkans, and exclude from warlike operations the Turkish coast of the Adriatic and Ionian Seas. The action of the Italian Government, however, produced a strong

feeling of hostility to Italy in influential circles at Vienna in close connection with the heir to the throne, and the retirement on December 1 of Baron Hoetzendorf, the Chief of the General Staff, and one of the most efficient of the officers of the Army, was believed to have been caused by the opposition of Count Aehrenthal to his scheme for the gradual displacement of the whole garrison of the Tyrol towards the Italian frontier, as such a measure would naturally be viewed by the Italian Government as an act of hostility to Italy and probably cause her withdrawal from the Triple Alliance, which had long ceased to be of any value to her. The Foreign Minister defended his policy before the Committee of the Hungarian Delegation on December 28. He expressed regret that his efforts to bring about a cessation of hostilities had not yet attained their object, but added that all the other neutral Powers had the same aim, and that he hoped that at a given moment their endeavours would be successful. He added that he hoped the conclusion of peace would "preserve undiminished the power and authority of Turkey"-a hope that in view of the determination of Italy to retain her hold upon Tripoli was hardly likely to be realised. The proposed increases in the Army and Navy were, he added, "undertaken exclusively for the protection of the monarchy and to allow her, together with her allies, to stand up for general peace." The Minister for War, however, General Auffenberg, sounded a different note. He pleaded for a strengthening of the Army in order to render it efficient for attack as well as for defence, saying that" the millions spent during the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina would have been saved if the Army had been efficient," and that "Austria had been then saved from her perilous position mainly by the strong true friend in shining armour who afforded us a protection with which we could not, at that moment, have dispensed."

With England, Austria-Hungary remained in friendly relations, though much unnecessary heat was displayed at an article in the Neue Freie Presse wrongly attributed to the British Ambassador at Vienna (p. 216). The Lord Mayor of London was received in September by the Emperor, who said he regarded the visit as of political importance, and was cordially greeted by the Viennese public.

A commercial treaty with Servia was concluded in January and adopted by the Austrian and Hungarian Chambers, on the understanding that the importation of meat from America should be limited to 2,000 tons of Argentine frozen meat at a duty of 30 per cent. ad valorem. On March 5 King Ferdinand of Bulgaria made his first visit to the Emperor Francis Joseph since the proclamation of Bulgarian independence in 1908. The proclamation had been decided upon without consultation with Austria-Hungary, and a certain estrangement between the two Sovereigns ensued, which, however, had now been dissipated.

CHAPTER III.

RUSSIA, TURKEY, AND THE MINOR STATES OF EASTERN

EUROPE.

I. RUSSIA.

THE most important incidents of the year in Russia were the assassination of the Prime Minister, M. Stolypin, and the conclusion of conventions with China, Germany, and Japan.

In February very drastic measures were taken to suppress the anarchy which had broken out in the Russian universities, where free fights were constantly taking place between the Radical and the Reactionary students. New regulations were issued which practically placed the administration of the universities in the hands of the police, in consequence of which the Rector of the University of Moscow and several other professors resigned, while the rebellious students were expelled and several of them were enrolled in the Army.

The fiftieth anniversary of the emancipation of the serfs was celebrated on March 4 by a thanksgiving service attended by the Tsar and the whole of his family at the Kazan Cathedral, after which the Tsar entertained at the Winter Palace the peasant deputies and the descendants of those who had taken the foremost part in the emancipation. A bust of the Tsar Liberator, erected by the peasant deputies, was unveiled in the Round Chamber of the Tauride Palace, the Ministers and deputies kneeling while the choir sang the hymn to Alexander II. and the National Anthem. M. Guchkoff, the President of the Duma, then made an eloquent speech, saying that all Russia united in celebrating a glorious anniversary, and that everywhere prayers of joy and gratitude arose. He added that "in the history of Russia there are perhaps few such dramatic episodes as this fight between the almost solitary autocrat, surrounded by a handful of warm-hearted patriots, and the compact phalanx of the forces of darkness and alarmed interests. From this combat the autocrat issued victorious, strong in his faith in the people. The outcome of this reform showed who were the real guardians of the greatness and even the existence of Russia. But amid the universal rejoicings of to-day the humble solemnity at which we are assembled here still has a significant meaning. The place where we meet and the times through which we are passing, and the composition of to-day's gathering including not a few who belong to the class for whom half a century ago sounded the bells of freedom-all this unwittingly impels our thoughts to the other, nearer, and greater Act related by inward analogy, and historical succession with the event we celebrate to-day. To the Tsar Liberator-the grateful peasant members of the State Duma-1861

1911,' such is the inscription on the base of this monument. Slaves then-lawgivers now."

A singular Constitutional crisis was caused in March by the defeat of the Ministry in the Council of the Empire on the Bill establishing separate classes of voters according to nationality in the Western or Polish provinces of the Empire. The Bill had been passed by the Duma (A. R., 1910, p. 330), but a section of the Conservatives hostile to M. Stolypin induced a majority in the Council of the Empire to reject it in the belief that the Tsar was opposed to it. M. Stolypin then resigned, but the Tsar not only refused to accept his resignation, but allowed him to suspend for four days the sittings of the Council of the Empire and the Duma so as to enable him to take advantage of an article in the Constitution which gives the Executive the power of making laws by ukase in cases of emergency when the Legislature is not sittinga piece of sharp practice violating the spirit if not the letter of the Constitution which seemed quite unnecessary, as when the Bill was brought in again both the Duma and the Council of the Empire would probably have passed it, and the ukase would in any case require their ultimate ratification. The ukase was issued on March 25. On the previous day the Bill had been reintroduced in its original form in the Duma, and the announcement of the ukase was received with a storm of indignation by all parties. M. Guchkoff, the President of the Duma, at once resigned, together with several members of the Council of the Empire, where a strong protest, passed by 98 votes to 52, was adopted against the enactment of the Bill by ukase, and eloquent speeches were made denouncing the action of the Premier and vindicating constitutional principles. Meanwhile the Tsar suspended for twelve months two of the members of the Council of the Empire who had been most active in instigating the opposition to the Bill, and on April 22 he addressed a rescript to M. Stolypin assuring him of his "complete goodwill" and conferring upon him the Alexander Nevsky Order in recognition of his services to the State.

On May 10 the Premier defended his conduct in the Duma, saying that the Government had not resorted and would not resort to the emergency clause in the Constitution in respect of any measure sanctioned by the Duma, but that it considered that the clause was applicable in cases where such a measure was rejected by the Council of the Empire, as that body was not representative of the nation, but of class interests, and he called upon the deputies to "listen to the cry of ten millions of Russians in the Western provinces whose interests required the immediate promulgation of the Bill." His speech was received with laughter and groans, and after sharp rejoinders from the Octobrists and the Constitutional Democrats the Duma passed by a majority of 202 to 82 a resolution censuring the promulgation of the Bill under the emergency clause, declaring that it was reprehensible on legal grounds and dangerous

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